enemies but there was something in him that would be obeyed, and his opponents fled, and his party fell before his victorious and envied ascendancy. As chancellor,-like Shaftesbury--he had no enemy, and administered justice with undivided applause. In private he was amiable; to his family, his friends, and his followers-indulgent, faithful, generous, and kind. In peaceful times he would have been beloved-and lost. -In days of ferment, if a demagogue, he would have subverted, as, when minister, he supported the pillars of the state.

The popish religion he thought unfavourable to freedom and knowledge-its professors hostile to the government and constitution. Hence, his opposition to all indulgences of that sect; always consistent-often imprudent.

As Mr. Grattan is called traitor-so is Lord Clare-tyrant; with equal falsehood: When prejudices shall be buried in the graves of these illustrious rivals, we shall probably confess that both were sincere, both fallible; both honestboth mistaken;-human in their errors and parties--immortal for their virtues and patriotism.

D

1798.

XIV. The hordes of petty rebels, that for twenty years, under twenty barbarous names and pretences, had harassed the land, now sank into one great union against all civil and ecclesiastical institutions the legacy of the American contest paid by France. The conflagration was general; war on every side-in Ulster of politics-elsewhere of bigotry. The dissenter fought—the papist massacred-the loyalist cut down both. Some provocation there may have been-much vengeance there was; but where most, if any provocation, least slaughter, no cruelty: where no previous oppression, most blood, much torture. The details of this rebellion-realizing all we read of 1641-I bequeath to the bigotry of both parties-its objects however are interesting to the enlightened; that of the dissenters—a republic; that of the papists-popish ascendancy; of both connexion with France, separation from England: Its results are too important; union with England, separation from France, and both, it would seem, eternal.

XV. From the principles of 1782 sprang inevitable connexion with France, or union with England. The late atrocities decided and acce

1

lerated the choice-not without hesitation. A haughty aristocracy and a proud people did not easily resign their power and their name; nor an aspiring gentry their hopes; all about to be lost in British ascendancy. The aversion was almost unanimous, and twice victorious. But Mr. Pitt was undaunted: enlightened and intrepid, he saw that this vital measure, once proposed, must be carried, or the country lost. On the object he was fixed, and of the means not scrupulous-deceit of the good-intimidation of the weak-―exasperation of parties, and a wide corruption.

Nor did his opponents, while denouncing, decline to imitate his practices; both parties, let us own, addressed themselves to the best passions of mankind, and to the worst; but with different success-the honest preferred England to France, the base, possession to expectancy, and the act of union was passed-strange to add, without bloodshed. But the parties had been rather enthusiastic than cordial. Each feared its own success; the opposition theirs, as dangerous-the. unionists theirs, as degrading-to the country. The victory was without triumph, and the defeat without dejection.

1803.

pur

XVI. The earl of Hardwicke's succeeded the union administration. His manners were gentle, but insincere his mind elegant, but vindictivehis intentions, if pure, perverted. His councils,by his friends alleged not to be his own,—were, towards the end of his administration, weak and double. By his public and private gentlenesssome ostentatious charity and the universal chase of the press, the shadow of popularity was acquired--and with this shadow he was contented, and England deceived, and Ireland darkened. Inactivity on the one part, was mildness and couciliation--sullenness on the other, content and gratitude. On this calm of conciliation and content burst forth another rebellion-short in its duration-contemptible in its actions-but serious in its unsounded depth and unknown extent. The policy of that day under-rated the danger-and the peril of Ireland was forgotten in a squabble between the Governor and the General.

XVII. In aid of the union the catholics had been courted-but the ministers had promised what they could not perform, and absconded from their offices to save their credits. They had now returned to power-and the holders of the pro

mises demanded their amount.

The minister did not refuse, but asked time, to pay. He would have temporized, but England is not tolerant of popery, nor Ireland of suspense; both parties

hastened on to a discussion, in which the catholic was successfully opposed by some, who had, two years before, favoured-and violently supported by others, who, two years after, sacrificed him. Such are the inconsistencies of faction.

Ireland sank back into her silence-and all again was mild and grateful and hollow, till the departure of Lord Hardwicke, bequeathing to his successor insurrection in five counties, and discontent in twenty.

XVIII. That successor was John Duke of Bedford, amiable and honourable, but by party connections unfitted for the station of viceroy. He was the heir of the influence of his brother Francis, the inconsistent Duke, whose democratical folly Burke has immortalized; he inherited likewise his politics and party; that party Mr. Foxthat great and weak, that amiable but mischievous man-conducted in England, and the Ponsonbies in Ireland. In opposition at the time of the

1805.

1806.