rights from the laws, as commoners; they are engaged to the interefts of the government and the governed more especially than other fubjects. With the juft prerogatives of the king, they would lofe their own honours and diftin&tions. With the just rights of the people, they would lofe their own fecurity of property and perfon. The lords in parliament have much to defend for the king and for themselves out of parliament, have more to defend for the people and for themselves. They thus as a body give fecurity to the establishment of the whole, and are the special barrier to prevent the fhocks of the monarchic and democratic powers. I have already called to recollection that the lords are fubjects of the laws on equal footing with the poorest cottager; and it is an abuse of language to name them as any ways partaking of what was called nobility in France or Brabant, or is yet fo called in many countries throughout Europe. The nobility in thofe countries were an ariftocracy in its worft fenfe, an aristocracy of privileges and exemptions, of haughty abufe of power, and odious immunity of wealth from the taxes of the state, which poverty paid and funk under,-oppreffed by authority and manner of collection, and oppreffed, too, by exactions of more than due from the little all of the cottage.' . Notwithstanding fome objections, which might be maintained. against various parts of the prefent work, we cheerfully do the author the justice to acknowledge, that he has treated his fubject with ingenuity, and particularly in thofe parts which are appropriated to the inveftigation of the evils of a democratic republic. Modern Patriotism, in Anfwer to the Letter of the Right Honourable Charles James Fox to his Conftituents. 8vo. 15. Hookham and Carpenter. 1793. This writer accufes Mr. Fox of inconfiftency, and undertakes to prove it, principally by contrafting his Letter to the Electors of Westminster with his fpeeches in parliament. We are of opinion that the public, who have had fuch fair and repeated opportunities of deciding this matter for themfelves, will hardly be inclined to give our furious politician a perufal. The Prefent State of the British Conftitution, deduced from Fats. By an Old Whig. 8va. 6d. Jordan. 1793. A mere detail of thofe abufes, real and imaginary, in the prefent fyftem of government in this country, which have been twenty times repeated, and with twenty times the ability of this writer. In this undertaking, fays he, I have been actuated by no other motive than a moft ardent defire to promote the happiness of the fociety to which I glory in belonging. I am not to be found on the terrace of Windfor, or in the pavilion of Brighthelmftone; neither is my name enrolled among the friends of the people, nor in the affociations which are formed againft imaginary and undefineable dangers. Mihi, Galba, Otho, Vitellius, nec injuria nec beneficio cog niti.' We give him full credit for thefe profeffions of independence; but he has really added nothing to the common flock of political information by his labours in this inftance. The State of the Representation of England and Wales, delivered to the Society, the Friends of the People, affociated for the Purpose of obtaining a Parliamentary Reform, on Saturday the 9th of February, 1793. 410. IS. The last page of this pamphlet contains a general statement of its contents: 71 Peers, and the treasury, return 91 Commoners return 162 Peers and commoners, with the treafury, return 100 Electors at Poole return 167 139 306 2 2 2 Wigan Bath E. Retford Dorche fter 17 Boroughs, not containing, on an average, 150 voters each, return I 21 2611 Persons, return to serve in parliament members 327 To thefe 327 add 28, who are returned by compromifes, and it It will appear, in what manner fuch a number of the members of the houfe of commons is elected, as conflitutes a majority of no Jefs than one hundred and ninety-feven of the reprefentatives of England and Wales.' The Principles of the British Conflitution explained; and the Right, Neceffity, and Expediency of Reform, afferted. In a Series of Letters to the Author of a late Publication, entitled, "The Britifh Conftitution Invulnerable." By a Friend to the Conflitution. 8.vo. 2s. 6d. Robinson. 1793. This may be a well meant, but it is certainly an ill-timed and ill-executed performance. It contains nothing new or interefling, and what is repeated from the writings of others is tedious, unargumentative, and infipid. Thefe are the Times that try Men's Souls! A Letter to John Froft, a Prifoner in Newgate. By Henry Yorke. 8vo. 25. Ridgway. 1793. In our remarks on a former publication of Mr. Yorke's, we hinted at the intemperance of his patriotifm. In that before us, we have yet greater caufe for objecting to him on the fame ground, as indeed the fingularity of the title he has chofen renders evident. We are unable to distinguish any new arguments in this letter, and, therefore, can only remark in a general way, that it is a mere attempt to give the evils alleged against the British government an higher colouring. Many, perhaps, will think the picture overcharged, and will even hesitate between indignation and rifibility, when they obferve the standard of equality adhered to, even in the letter-prefs of the work, throughout which, an of lower-cafe is fubftituted for the perfonal pronoun I in capital. If Mr. Yorke's be the torch of reafon,' he brandishes it with fo furious a hand, that we are dazzled, not enlightened. We would therefore admonish him to curb, in future, that violence of language, which, we apprehend, has hitherto led the rational and difpaffionate politician rather to confider him as a lunatic than a patriot. Authentic Report of the Debate in the Houfe of Commons, on the 6th and 7th of May, 1793, on Mr. Grey's Motion for a Reform in Parliament. To which is added, a correct Copy of the Petition of the Friends of the People. 8vo. 2s. 6d. Debrett. 1793. The particulars of thefe debates have already been detailed in every newspaper. They are copied from the Parliamentary Regifter, and published in their prefent form, on account of the general importance of the fubject, and the univerfal curiofity excited by it. It is enough for us to fay, that we believe the fpeeches of of the feveral members who took part in that debate, to be fully and accurately stated in this impreffion. Return of the whole Number of Perfons within the feveral Diftris of the United States, according to an Al providing for the Enumeration of the Inhabitants of the United States;" paffed March the 1ft, 1791. 8vo. 15. Phillips. 1793. In this ftatement is afcertained the whole number of perfons refiding in the feverai towns, counties, and diftricts of the United States of America. The whole enumeration appears by the fchedule as follows. Free white males of 16 years and upwards, includings heads of families, 807,094 : free white males under 16 years, 791,850. Free white females, including heads of families, 1,541,263. All other free perfons 59.150. The total number of inhabitants appears to be 3,893,635, which is made up-O fhamt to a land of LIBERTY!-by, fix hundred and ninety four thousand two hundred and eighty SLAVES! In this enumeration, however, are not included 35,691 inhabitants of the fouth-west territory, of which 3417 are ulfo flaves. Neither has there been any return given of the state of population in the north-west territory, an omiffion for which no reafon is affigned. The Proceedings, on the Trial of Daniel Ifaac Eaton, upon an Indiament, for jelling a fuppofed Libel, "The Second Part of the Rights of Man, combining Principle and Practice. By Thomas Paine." At Juftice Hall in the Old Bailey. Before the Recorder of London. On Monday, the 3d Day of June, 1793. 8vo. 15. 6d. Ridgway. 1793. The particulars of this trial have already been before the public in a variety of ways. The moft remarkable circumftance attending it, appears to be the verdict of the jury, that the defendant was guilty of publishing, but without any criminal intention.” We think Mr. Vaughan's defence of his client, here ftated in his own words, very judicious; and we hope that judges and minifters will rather endeavour to pursue the authors, and relax from the feverity of confidering in the light of intentional promoters of fedition, and punishing as fuch, thofe bookfellers, who, inadvertently, in the way of their trade, and through the medium of those who are mere affiftants in their bufinefs, fell a single copy of a pamphlet, whofe contents happen to be of a libellous nature. The Reafon of Man: Part Second. Containing Strictures on Rights of Man; with Obfervations on Mr. Erfkine's Defence of Mr. Pain, and Thoughts on the War with France. By John Jones. 8vo. 6d. Murray. 1793. We had occafion, in a former number, to notice the remarkable triteness and infipidity of the former part of this work; and we find no reason to think more favourably of its continuation. The The Motives and Confequences of the prefent War impartially confi dered. 8vo. 1s. 6d. Pridden. 1793. We do not give this writer credit for that impartiality to which he pretends, fince he has advanced nothing on the fubject of the war, that does not fpeak peremptorily and decidedly in its favour. The whole matter of this pamphlet, without a fingle exception, may be traced in the newspapers, and in fifty other publications, which owe their existence to the same fources of political information. Reply to the Report of the Committee of Warehouses of the Enft India Company, on the Subjects of Saltpetre and Gunpowder. Moft rejpectively Jubmitted to the Right Hon. the Lords of the Committee of Privy Council for Trade; by the Gunpowder Makers of London. 4to. Is. Debrett. 1793. Without the Report, we cannot judge of the Reply, and with it we should be unwilling to engage in the conteft. It is not the object of a literary Journal; and to announce the publication, is in our fituation fufficient. Religion, a Prefervation against Barbarism and Anarchy. A Sermon, from Jeremiah, xiii. 16. preached at the Hague, February 13th, 1793, on the Day of the General Faft. By A. Maclaine, D. D. 4to. 11. 6d. Cadell. 1793. Defpotifm and anarchy are the extremes of which liberty is the mean; but thofe divines, who in our falt fermons contend against anarchy, do it fometimes at the price of genuine freedom. The difcourfe however before us, is of a different character, and does honour to its refpectable author, who appears in it, at once, the confiftent friend of liberty, and the dignified advocate of focial order. The uses to which he applies the folemnity, are as follow: Let us then this day, in the first plate, give glory to God, by a pious acknowledgment of his fupreme dominion. This is that rational and elevating act of religion which, by connecting the world with its Author, and all events, both in our public and private relations, with the righteous and beneficent government of their great Difpofer, opens to man the true fources of confolation, hope, and moral improvement, in all the different fcenes and viciffitudes of human life.- In effect, what ftrength and conitancy of mind muft the religious man, the virtuous citizen, receive from this habitual act of veneration and homage to that Sovereign Majefty that governs the world? It nourishes in his mind the full and happy perfuafion, that neither his interefts, nor the interests of his country, are at the difpofal of blind chance or a fatal necef fuy; |