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of his affection for the English King.' This interesting anecdote seems authenticated by the circumstance that such a picture appears in the mortuary catalogue of the collection of Rubens.

This deep sympathy for arts and artists, flowed from the truest source, that of consummate knowledge. Charles the First possessed that refined discernment which is the faculty of 'the Few,' in detecting the manner, and the habitual work of any individual master. Painters call this 'a knowledge of hands.' Lord Oxford gives a remarkable story of Charles the First inspecting a collection of portraits at which were present several 'picture drawers.' The King enquired by whose hand was a particular picture? Some attempted to guess, none were positive. The King declared it to be the work of such a man's hand. I know it,' said Charles, 'as well as if I had seen him draw it; but is there but one man's hand in this picture? They did not discover this, while the King persisted in asserting that 'there were two hands in it; for I know the hand which drew the heads, but the hand which drew the rest I never saw before.' It appears afterwards that a gentleman, who had been at Rome, mentioned that he had seen this very picture with the heads, but the rest unfinished, for the painter dying, the widow procured another to complete the work for sale, the best way he could. This is but a blind story, and the gentleman was, no doubt, a good courtier, observes our polished cynic, though not unwilling to allow that Charles, at least, was an excellent judge of the style of the great masters. The story is probably true; for Charles was an admirable connoisseur, as well as an antiquary. Another incident will confirm the probability of this story. In one of his unhappy flights, when passing a night at the singular monastic institution of the family of the Ferrars at Gidding, an illustrated Bible containing a vast collection of prints, was placed before the King and the Palsgrave. The latter had more curiosity than

knowledge. Even at a moment when the mind of Charles could have little ease, and when the business of the early morning was an early flight, Charles largely descanted on the invention of the masters, and the characters of the engravers. Their works had long been lost to him; but these departed enjoyments of his cultivated tastes lingered in his fond recollections, and could steal an hour from five years of his sorrows.

Had the reign of Charles the First proved as peaceful as that of his father, this monarch, in 1640, would have anticipated those tastes, and inspired that enthusiasm for the world of art, which were so long foreign to the nation. and which have not yet reached to those ranks of society, where they ought to be familiar; however institutions have been nobly opened for the public. The mind of Charles the First was moulded by the graces. His favourite Buckingham was probably a greater favourite from cherishing those congenial tastes. He courted his monarch and his friend, by the frequent exhibitions of those splendid masques and entertainments, which delighted by all the rivalries of the most beautiful arts; combining the picture of ballet-dances with the voice of music, the most graceful poetry of Jonson, the seenic machinery of Inigo Jones, or the fanciful devices of Gerbier, the Duke's architect, the pupil and friend of Rubens, and the confidential agent of Charles the First. The costly magnificence of the fêtes at York-house, the Duke's residence, eclipsed the splendour of the French court; for Bassompiere confesses that he had never witnessed a similar magnificence. The King himself delighted in them, but this monarch was too poor to furnish those splendid entertainments. They charmed even those fiercer Republican spirits themselves in their ingenious youth. Milton owed his Arcades and his Comus to a masque at Ludloff Castle, and Whitelocke, who had been himself an actor and a manager in a splendid royal masque of the four Inns of Court joining together'

to go to court, at a later day when drawing up his 'Memorials of the English affairs,' and occupied by far graver concerns, dwelt with all the fondness of reminiscence on these stately shows and masques; and in a chronicle which contracts many an important event into a single paragraph, has poured forth six folio columns of a minute description of 'these dreams passed, and these vanished pomps.'

After reading these anecdotes of the private life of Charles the First, and recollecting the great national design which he had already commenced, we must recollect the limited means which contracted these noble efforts. The King, from the earliest period of his reign, was denied the personal enjoyments of a nobleman: and the truth is, that it was only by economical contrivances, with the aid of occasional presents, that Charles the First obtained that fine collection, which was so barbarously inventoried at his death, suffered to be pillaged by the meanest hands, and dispersed at most blundering estimates, to furnish the cabinets of France and Spain. Such often was the exhausted state of the exchequer, that it is a curious fact, that when Inigo Jones was appointed Master of the Board of Works, the funds were so low, that the great architect nobly remitted his own pay; nor is it less curious, that Charles, amidst his distress for money, condescended to enter into partnership for the small purchase of some pictures. This singular document is an evidence not only of his prudential expedients, but of his love of the arts.

But it was not for this unfortunate Prince, with all these finer tastes, to mitigate the growing barbarism of the times by one short age of taste. We had not yet emerged from our rude and neglected state of the elegant arts. Among the list of the grievances of the Commons in 1625, we find one complaint of 'the building of all houses in London in one uniform way, with a face of brick towards the streets.' To this grievance Charles replied, that

a reformation in buildings was a good reformation, and he was resolved to proceed with that work. No doubt the good citizens of London were then destitute of any architectural taste; since even the decent appearance of bricking their fronts, and improving the salubrity of the city, where wooden houses were huddled together in all inconvenient forms, nests for their Scourge the plague, which was so often breathing in their faces, was considered as a national grievance. The penurious and grave citizen, the ascetic puritan, felt no ambition to leave their city of brick, which they had found a city of timber. Palladian streets never entered in their imagination.

An affection for the fine arts was yet entirely confined to Charles's own court. Scotland, by her vulgar notions of 'superstition' and idolatry, seemed to have exiled the arts from her bleak clime. But it was now still worse at London than at Edinburgh. Among the barbarians, who, like a second irruption of the Goths and Vandals, became those of England, the avowed enemies of art and artists; the Puritans on one side, and the Levellers on the other, excite our indignation as much for their brutalising ignorance, as their calumnies. In that remarkable, yet curious libel on Charles the First, entitled 'the None-such Charles,' the writer accuses his late sovereign, among other enormities, of 'squandering away millions of pounds on braveries and vanities, on old rotten pictures and broken-nosed marbles.' Millions of pounds! Charles was never master of a quarter of one! Such was the style and grossness of the times, and of that people who were now to be the rulers of England! Even in the King's lifetime, a puritan expressed his uneasiness that Con, a Scotchman, called the Pope's Legate, was enticing Charles with many various baits, and whom he sought to delude 'with gifts of pictures, antique idols, and such like trumperies brought from Rome.'

It has been said that Charles the First was adapted to be greater as a

private gentleman than a sovereign. There may be some truth in the observation; yet it is not so evident that the domestic virtues of the man are insufficient to constitute an excellent monarch. Unquestionably, had not peculiar difficulties arisen in his reign, Charles the First would have been that monarch. Nor can we justly conclude that he was destitute of kingly qualities, who so long and so ably contended for what he deemed his kingly rights; and voluntarily perished to vindicate his sovereignty. Charles, indeed, loved the privacy of domestic life, and the quiet occupations of study and art. When his troubles began, in 1637, Garrard, the correspondent of the Earl of Strafford, kissed hands on his election to the Mastership of the Charterhouse. The King bade him be a good Governor, and impressively assured him that he considered him the happiest man in England. Charles appears to have alluded to his own situation, deeming the Government of the Charter-house, in its dominion of obedient subjects, and in its business of literature, offered a more enviable life, than the days which were clouding over his throne.

The observation of Addison, that a reader is delighted to learn whether the person whose story is engaging his attention, be either a brown or a fair man, with other personal peculiarities, was new in its day, and since the philosophy of biography has been carried to a perfection unknown to that pleasing writer, its truth has often been confirmed. Nothing is trivial in the narrative of history which assists the reality of its scene, and places its personage by our side. By these natural touches something of the charm of fiction is thrown into the historical composition.

There is a fine and large portrait of Charles the First, by his first favourite Mytens, splendidly engraved by Delphius, the King's engraver. In that portrait, as well as in a miniature which I had copied from a large picture by Vandyke, now in the Pitti

Palace of Florence, the expression is quite of another character from the portraits taken at a later period. No secret sorrows, no deepened melancholy, had yet left the traces of painful thoughts over the countenance whose peculiar expression afterwards was so faithfully, perhaps so religiously, transmitted to us. Contrast this portrait of Mytens on Charles's accession to the throne, with the one so care-worn, so haggard and lean, when the ill-fated Sovereign appeared at his trial, and you touch both the extremities of his life, the whole history of Charles seems told!

The intermediate period in this monarch's life is equally remarkable. Vandyke painted in one picture the head of Charles in three positions. This was sent by the Queen to Bernini, in order to model his celebrated bust. The well-known anecdote of the sculptor is authentic. Bernini was a great physiognomist, and after contemplating the portraits, for a while, he exclaimed that he had never seen a portrait, whose countenance showed so much greatness and such marks of sadness: the man who was so strongly charactered, and whose dejection was so visible, was doomed to be unfortunate! Had the physiognomical predicter examined the two portraits of the happier days of Charles, he might have augured a happier fate. It is therefore evident that what was peculiar in the countenance of Charles, was not discoverable till after his thirtieth year.

Charles the First was of a middle stature, his complexion brown, inclined to a paleness,' his forehead not wide, his brows large, his eyes grey, they were quick and penetrating, and their vivacious glances were remarked on the opening of his trial, for Charles, considering himself to be a skilful physiognomist, was a keen observer of persons: his nose was somewhat large and rather round at the tip. The visage on the whole was long, and the lips seem to have been thick. His stammering was a defect which he could never entirely get rid of, though at his

trial, the intensity of his feelings carried on his voice without faltering. His hair was of a chestnut colour, falling on his shoulders in large curls, and when young he nourished one luxuriant lock on his left side which floated there; this natural ornament was a fashion abhorred by the puritanic Roundheads; who, having read in the Testament 'If a man have long hair it is a shame,' cut their hair short. This unlucky tress of royalty, excited Prynne's invective against 'lovelocks.' His beard curtailed of ancient dimensions, he wore peaked, with moustachios, in his happier days, but in his troubles, negligent of exterior ornament, his beard covered much of his face. His pace in walking was quick and hurried, somewhat indicative of the usual condition of his mind. In going from St. James's through the park to the scaffold at Whitehall, one of the papers of the day notices that the King 'pleasantly' called to the guard 'March apace!' It is said he was not graceful in his motions: a coarse libeller tells us, that 'He did not ride like a Prince, but like a post-boy.' There was a good deal of earnest impetuosity

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THOMAS B. MACAULAY.

THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY was born in Lonin 1800. In 1818 he entered Trinity-College, Cambridge, where he studied for the law, and in 1824 was called to the bar. In 1830 he began his political career by being elected member of parliament for Calne. Under the administration of Lord Melbourne he was made a member of the highest court of justice of India, but returned to England in 1839, from which year till 1845 he represented Edinburgh in the House of Commons. Till 1841 he was under-secretary of state in the War-Office, and between 1846-48 he occupied the post of paymaster-general of the forces, and as such was a member of the cabinet. He was one of the most distinguished writers of our times; he contributed largely to the Edinburgh Review, and by his articles procured it a still higher reputation than it previously possessed. Most of its papers had been written in a very biting, sarcastic manner, under-rating true talent; but Macaulay introduced into its criticism a kindliness of manner which much increased the value of the whole publication. His finest work is his

THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH. Towards the close of the reign of Charles the Second, some Whigs who had been deeply implicated in the plot

History of England, which he left unfinished, but which is certainly one of the glories of his country. It is written in a most brilliant style, and the author enunciates, on the whole, very correct views of the state of the kingdom at different periods. Macaulay is also a poet; and his compositions in this branch are by no means to be overlooked. During his stay at college he published several ballads, one of them called The War of the League which is universally admired; he has also published some poems called the Lays of ancient Rome' in which he seems to have brought the brave old Romans again into existence, and caused them to fight their famous battles a second time. The lays are written in a plain unadorned style, but in such a truthful manner, and so much meaning is condensed into few words, that their reader cannot fail to be delighted, and to obtain an excellent idea of the characteristics of that fine old face. In 1857 he was raised to the peerage under the title of Baron Macaulay of Rothley, and he died in 1859.

so fatal to their party, and who knew themselves to be marked out for destruction, had sought an asylum in the Low Countries.

These refugees were in general men to regard him as a rival. They reof fiery temper and weak judgment. ceived him most hospitably; for they They were also under the influence of hoped that, by treating him with kindthat peculiar illusion which seems to ness, they should establish a claim to belong to their situation. A politician the gratitude of his father. They knew driven into banishment by a hostile that paternal affection was not yet faction generally sees the society which wearied out, that letters and supplies he has quitted through a false medium. of money still came secretly from WhiteEvery object is distorted and discoloured hall to Monmouth's retreat, and that by his regrets, his longings, and his Charles frowned on those who sought resentments. Every little discontent to pay their court by speaking ill of appears to him to portend a revolution. his banished son. The Duke had been Every riot is a rebellion. He cannot encouraged to expect that, in a very be convinced that his country does not short time, if he gave no new cause of pine for him as much as he pines for displeasure, he would be recalled to his country. He imagines that all his his native land, and restored to all his old associates, who still dwell at their high honours and commands. Animated homes and enjoy their estates, are by such expectations he had been the tormented by the same feelings which life of the Hague during the late winter. make life a burden to himself. The The sullen gravity which had been longer his expatriation, the greater does characteristic of the Stadtholder's court ļ this hallucination become. The lapse seemed to have vanished before the inof time, which cools the ardour of the fluence of the fascinating Englishman. friends whom he has left behind, in- Even the stern and pensive William flames his. Every month his impatience relaxed into good humour when his to revisit his native land increases; brilliant guest appeared. and every month his native land remembers and misses him less. This delusion becomes almost a madness when many exiles who suffer in the same cause herd together on a foreign shore. Their chief employment is to talk of what they once were, and of what they may yet be, to goad each other into animosity against the common enemy, to feed each other with extravagant hopes of victory and revenge. Thus they become ripe for enterprises which would at once be pronounced hopeless by any man whose passions had not deprived him of the power of calculating chances.

Ardent and intrepid on the field of battle, the Duke of Monmouth was everywhere else effeminate and irresolute. The accident of his birth, his personal courage, and his superficial graces, had placed him in a post for which he was altogether unfitted. After witnessing the ruin of the party of which he had been the nominal head, he had retired to Holland. The Prince and Princess of Orange had now ceased

Monmouth meanwhile carefully avoided all that could give offence in the quarter to which he looked for protection. He saw little of any Whigs, and nothing of those violent men who had been concerned in the worst part of the Whig plot. He was therefore loudly accused, by his old associates, of fickleness and ingratitude.

While he was dancing and skating at the Hague, and expecting every day a summons to London, he was overwhelmed with misery by the tidings of his father's death and of his uncle's accession. During the night which followed the arrival of the news, those who lodged near him could distinctly hear his sobs and his piercing cries. He quitted the Hague the next day, having solemnly pledged his word, both to the Prince and to the Princess of Orange, not to attempt anything against the government of England, and having been supplied by them with money to meet immediate demands.

The prospect which lay before Monmouth was not a bright one. There was no probability that he would be

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