'Lord Jefus Chrift 11. Even bishop Hurd's definition is, in itself, fufficiently comprehensive, had he afterwards thought proper to apply it in its full extent. • Anti'chrift,' fays the prelate, ftands for a perfon or power, • actuated with a spirit oppofite to that of Chrift 12.'

If, as there is reafon to believe, it be the object of the seven vials to deftroy the two-horned beast, the representative of the antichriftian priesthood, and the ten horns of the civil beast; it furely is extremely natural, that the design of one of thefe vials fhould be to cut off one of the most powerful and oppreffive of these horns, the despotic monarchy of France.

When the words of Mr. Fleming are fo decidedly hoftile to the views of tyrants in general, and of Catholic defpots in particular, it will perhaps be asked, where was the danger of their being mifapplied? It may be answered, that this has actually happened. Nor is this any ground for furprize. If paffages are incorrectly quoted; if they are misrepresented with industry, and perufed with prepoffeffion; frequently will it happen, that they will be the supposed vehicle of fentiments, of which the original author entertained not the most diftant idea. The mass of mankind judge not for themfelves. From the fatigue of thinking they are eager to be relieved. With the opinion of the first acquaintance they meet, too readily do they coalefce, though that acquaintance may probably have some private intereft to serve. And it is with regret I observe, that, for some time past, the friends of freedom have not exerted fo much activity in the counteraction of fentiments unfavourable to the liberties of my country, as placemen and penfioners and expectants, with their widely-extending connections, have in their propagation.

11 P. 189.

12 Vol. II. p. 10,

CHAP.

CHAPTER II.

JARTHER REMARKS ON THE FOURTH VIAL, AND MR. FLEMING'S INTERPRETATION OF IT.

ONSCIOUS of having been diffuse in the elucidation of Mr. Fleming's general import, I proceed, without farther delay, to the confideration of particular paffages. At the first glance, fome readers will perhaps understand the words of Mr. Fleming, as denoting only the humiliation of the Gallic monarchy. But upon comparing pages 68 and 74, the language employed by him will be seen strongly to countenance the idea, that he entertained the expectation, that that oppreffive monarchy would at one period be confiderably humbled, whilst it would, at a fubfequent time, be destroyed.--The French monarchy,' fays he will ITSELF CON'SUME; its fire, and that which is the fuel that maintains it, wafting infenfibly, till it be exhausted at last ⚫ towards the end of this century.' Now a queftion here occurs, what does this fuel fignify? itself would be extinguished, when the fuel which maintained the fun, the emblem of monarchy, fhould have fpent all its force, there is no difficulty in conceiving: but the metaphor, though naturally fuggefted by the fymbol of the fun, and kept up with propriety, is not eminent for precifion.

That the monarchy

It may perhaps be defigned to denote that fervility of popular opinion, that BLIND ATTACHMENT TO THE PERSON AND OFFICE OF THE MONARCH, which formerly burned with fuch a steadiness and ardour in the bofoms of the natives of France. But when the myf

teries and crimes of a tyrannic administration had been gradually developed, when the labours of men of letters had reflected a light upon the abftract principles of government; that adulatory spirit, no longer kept alive by national ignorance, began infenfibly to waste away. Being thus deprived of that fuel of which it had hitherto received a copious supply, and being in consequence subjected (in the year 1789) to a fatal eclipfe, the fun of the French monarchy has probably for ever, fet; no longer deftined to scorch the defenceless millions that inhabit one of the fairest portions of the globe. The flame of adulation is now extinct; and the expiring embers of the loyalty of Frenchmen have found a last refuge among a feeble remnant of armed infurgents or of scattered exiles.

But perhaps the fuel of our author may be a strong metaphor to express THE PRIVILEGED ORDERS, who may be said to have almost constituted the vital principle of the Gallic monarchy. In proportion as the influence of the ecclefiaftics and the nobleffe wafted away, in proportion as they abandoned the kingdom in larger crowds, eager to undermine or to affault that new edifice of go.. vernment, which the skilful industry of the conftituent affembly had erected on so grand a scale, the pillars of royalty itself were more and more fhaken; and the Co*rinthian capital of society' having been completely demolished, the monarchical part of the fabrick, notwithstanding the substantial repairs it had recently received, was levelled with the ground.

Or the fuel of the French monarchy may be intended to represent THE REVENUES OF THE STATE, which impart, to every monarchy, firmness and vigour. When levied without oppofition, and with a rigid exactness, they conftitute indeed the very finews of defpotism.--

This

This was the fire, to again purfue one of the metaphors of our author, the materials of which were originally gathered from every quarter of the empire, from the cottage of the peafant and the fhop of the manufacturer: but which, being concentrated at Paris, at Versailles, or at Chantilly, blazed forth in useless magnificence and with a steady brightness; or, being transported beyond the Gallic frontier, enabled the royal incendiary to kindle the flames of war, and to light up in the towns of the Netherlands or of Germany a general conflagration, whilst himself, exempt from the hazard of being fcorched by the fury with which it raged, furveyed, calmly and at a diftance, the progrefs of the mischief he had created.

If this were the fuel, which our author foretold would be exhaufted towards the clofe of the prefent century, completely has the event corresponded with his expectations. When the finances, in confequence of the peculation, introduced into the collection of the taxes, as well as the prodigality of the court of Versailles, and the ruinous wars in which it had engaged, became by little and little more deeply embarraffed; when the grievances of the people, from a long series of oppreffions, became at length fo complicated and heavy, as to call aloud for redress, to generate a general difaffection, and to render the reduction of the imposts a measure which no minifterial efforts could avert or poftpone; in fhort, when the revenue had fo infenfibly wafted away, that its amount proved greatly inferior to the annual expenditure 1, and to the payment of the national debt; it was at

this

In this exigency,' fays Mr. Mackintosh, there was no expedi ent left, but to guarantee the ruined credit of bankrupt despotism by the fanction of the national voice.' Def. of the Fr. Rev. p. 23. From

the

this emergency, it was at this moment of dilemma to which happily defpotism was reduced, that Louis XVI. was OBLIGED to establish an unfettered liberty of the press, to disclose the desperately disordered state of the finances, and reluctantly to affent to the convocation of the States-General of the kingdom: events, which laid an immediate foundation for the radical revolution which fpeedily followed. The ftream of national wealth, which had been wont to flow into the coffers of royalty, it was then thought proper in a great degree to turn a different way; and, at the present period, even the acknowledged magnificence of the French monarchy poffeffes not, in the judgement of a republican Frenchman, any attractive luftre, fince it requires to be maintained by a perpetual renewal of fresh supplies of revenue, and would drain every channel in which the riches of the state are accuftomed to circulate.

It may be asked, whether if Mr. Fleming had foretold, in language altogether explicit and unequivocal, the total downfal of monarchy, in a country fo near and fo extenfive as France, the idea would not have been likely to have rendered him unpopular among that party in which he had enlisted himself, the whigs of that time, the zealous fupporters of the throne of king William ?

On the meaning of Mr. Fleming's metaphor of fuel, it was allowable to indulge conjecture. But, in explaining the fymbols of the prophets, a far different conduct must be purfued. No loose must be given to ima

the official account of M. de Calonne, delivered to the Notables in April, 1787, and since published in his book against the Fr. Rev. we learn, that the annual deficit amounted to 115 millions of livres, or about 4,750,000l. This is the government, conducted with fuch boundless extravagance, over the downfal of which a numerons band of English fenators and no bility have so feelingly lamented.

gination.