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have given so liberally to the virtues and the reign of Trajan, by pointing out the particular and active attention which that prince bestowed on the administration of justice, on the regulation of the finances, on the improvement of the marine, and the advancement of commerce. On all thete objects, but more especially on the firft and fecond, the praises of Trajan can only be counsels in their application to the prince whom M. BAYEUX has in view; for they would be a cruel irony were they intended as reflected panegyric on any thing in the lines of French jurisprudence and finances but what is yet to be done.

What is not yet done, however, seems to be serioufly in contemplation; and various laudable attempts are at present in exertion, which lay fome faint foundation for our Author's parallel. He has had the sagacity to find, in the reign of Trajan, types and parallels of many things, which mark peculiarly the government of the monarch under whom he lives. Thus the affembly of the Notables, - the fortifications of Cherburg, -the American war,-and even the Marquis de la Fayette, are adumbrated in the history of the Roman Emperor. But in these adulatory and very ingenious analogies, very improper sacrifices of truth and conscience are sometimes made to wit and imagination. This is the only circumstance which prevented our reading this elegant production with unmixed pleasure. M-e.

ART. XIX.

Travels through Germany, in a Series of Letters; written in German by the Baron Riesbeck, and translated by the late Rev. Mr. Maty. 8vo. 3 Vols. 15s. Boards. Cadell. 1787.

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ERY few Travels have equal merit with the performance before us. The writer seems to be a man of much observation, and to have acquired a confiderable knowledge of the history of Europe. His judicious remarks on the ancient and modern political history of the kingdoms and states through which he paffed, is a full proof of his great application to, and the proficiency he has made in, historical pursuits. The letters, nevertheless, are not wholly confined to these abftruse disquifitions; they are interspersed with accurate descriptions of the principal cities, and the country, which the Author had vifited; the manners of the people, the state of learning-of arts and sciences of agriculture and commerce, -are frequently introduced, and largely treated; nor have the amusements of the country, fuch as theatrical representations and private recreations, been less attended to; in short, every circumstance which an intelligent reader would wish to know, or of which the information can be either useful or entertaining, may be here found. In support of the encomium which we have justly bestowed on this work, we shall present our Readers with the following conclufion

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clufion of a letter, dated from Vienna, in which the Author defcribes the causes of the univerfal weakness of the moral feel. ings obfervable in the inhabitants of that city:

• The consequence of this people's want of spirit is, that their vices are as few and as weak as their virtues. Nothing is heard here of the tragedies which are fo frequent at London, Rome, and Naples. Pickpockets, cheats, bankrupts, thieves, spendthrifts, pimps, and bawds, are the only criminals known at Vienna. The Auftrian has not strength of character enough to be a highwayman; and a Saxon gentleman, who has been fettled here fome years, and has travelled over the whole country, affares me, that he does not remember to have heard of fuch a thing as a duel. I was witness to a scene yefterday which strongly marks the character both of the people and the police of this place. A well-dressed man had a quarrel with a hackney coachman about his fare. They foon came to high words. One of the 600 fpies, who are divided about the different parts of the city, came up. The gentleman grew warm and gave bad words, which the other returned with interest. At length they shook their fists at each other, but neither ventured to strike; for it seems there is a law, by which, whoever strikes first is punisned, let the previous provocation have been what it will. Had either but touched the hat of the other, it would have been reckoned a blow, and he would have been immediately taken up by the watch. As it was, they parted, after affording a quarter of an hour's laugh to the populace. The duration of these frays may be longer or shorter ad libitum; but there are few examples of their ever being carried farther than words.

The court has nothing to fear from a revolt. In the beginning of the last century, indeed, the Protestants made a little stir; but all was foon quiet again. Indeed, the Viennois is too enervate for an infurrection. –

Subordination is the only characteristic feature of this people; nor have I ever seen a spark here either of the Englishman's love of liberty, or the Frenchman's feeling for the honour of the grand monarch. The pride even of the army is too personal, ever to admit of any fenfibility for the honour of the state.

• The individuals of a country which exists only by subordination, will of course be weak and feeble characters. It is true, that the most illimited obedience did Sparta no harm; but the reason was, because it was not the reigning feature of the people, but only a means of fecuring the freedom after which the nation thirsted. The British laws are fome of them very fevere, and the discipline of their navy as strict as that of the Prussian army; but as these severities do not run through the whole of their government, they do not deftroy the feelings of the people. Though no nation has so much checked the power of their kings at different periods as the British has done, yet the history of no nation affords more instances of the devotion of individuals to the sovereign. The same love which the Englishman has for liberty extends to the person of the prince, whenever the prince leaves the constitution unimpaired, and manifests a love for it. The upshot is, that the Briton will preserve strength of character APP. Rev. Vol. LXXVI.

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as long as the constitution of his country lasts; whereas the fubjects of despotic princes will be weak and grovelling in spirit.

• The government of this place endeavours to make some amends for the univerfal subjection under which the people are held, by a most exact administration of justice, by taking measures for universal security, and by the free admission and encouragement of every plea. fure (the single one of lawless love alone excepted) that can delight the human mind. Whilst in France a country gentleman may be thrown in prifon by a governor of a province, and continue there all his life, the lowest footman here is affured of having the strictest justice done him, if he has occafion to complain of his lord, even though he were the Lord High Chamberlain. The police is so vigi. lant and acute, that the most fubtle thefts are commonly discovered, and the owner gets his goods again. Almost all the imperial houses and gardens are almost constantly open to the public. The players are onder the peculiar protection of the court, who shews, in every thing, that the restraint it lays the people under arifes more from principle than the defire of tyrannizing over them. And yet, notwithstanding all this pleasure, and all this security, I had rather be exposed to a London footpad, or have the bottles and glasses whistle round my head on the laft night of Vauxhall, than enjoy all the placid tranquillity of this place. These last are disorders, indeed, but they are disorders which are inseparable from a strong national character, such as is that of the people by whom they are committed."

By the above extract, our readers will eafily perceive the author's judgment in forming, from external appearances, a true idea and just eftimate of the manners of a nation. We could have wished, however, to have seen his remarks clothed in a more elegant English dress. The style is indeed free from grammatical errors; but it wants that polish, and felicity of expref. fion which is pleasing to every judge of good language.

The Author, who is a German, a native of Wirtenberg, affumes the character of a Frenchman, and addresses his letters to a supposed brother at Paris. Indeed, the many fevere strictures on German manners, which are to be found in various parts of the work, were perhaps thought more becoming a foreigner than a native: and, probably, on that account, the Author affumed the character of a Frenchman; although the freedom and feverity with which he frequently treats France and its inhabitants, sometimes equals that which he has bestowed on the Germans.

Baron Riefbeck commences his travels at Strafburg; and, proceeding through Swabia and Bavaria, he describes whatever is worthy of notice in the fouthern part of Germany. After remaining some time at Vienna, whence he dates many of his letters, containing ample accounts of Austria, Hungary, Bohemia, Moravia, and Poland, he proceeded to Prague; and thence, by the way of Drefden and Leipfic, to Berlin. The letters dated from this last mentioned place are, in our opinion, the most interefting part of the work. The Pruffian King and government

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are set forth in a true light; and here many curious and useful political observations will entertain and instruct the inquisitive reader. From Berlin, our Author went to Hamburg, Denmark, Hanover, Caffel, Wurtzburg, Francfort, Mentz, Cologne, Amsterdam; and his last letter is dated from Oftend.

It was with pleasure that we followed Baron Riefbeck through this long journey: and we doubt not that the entertaining variety, and the useful instruction, which the journey affords, will also please our intelligent readers. We recommend it rather for the matter it contains, than for the style in which it is written: several faulty expreffions occur in the original: and the painful and tedious illness under which the worthy translator laboured, and which ended only with his life, will ferve, with the candid reader, as an apology for many of the inaccuracies which we have observed; and with all its imperfections, we hesitate not to pronounce this work much fuperior (in our judgment, at least) to most of the voyages and travels, which have lately employed our attention. R-m.

ART. xx.

History of the Voyages and Discoveries made in the North. Translated from the German of John Reinhold Forster, J. U. D. Elucidated by several new and original Maps. 4to. 11. Is. Boards. Robinsons. 1786.

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HIS work is not merely a compilation, or collection of the voyages which have been made toward the northern parts of Europe, Afia, and America; but an original compofition, giving an hiftorical account of voyages and travels to those dreary and inhospitable regions, from the earliest ages to the present; the persons who undertook them; the times when they happened; and the principal discoveries which were made in each.

The work is divided into three books; and these are again subdivided into several chapters, sections, &c. The first book treats ' of the most ancient discoveries.' It contains three chapters. The Voyages and Discoveries of the Phoeniciansof the Grecians and of the Romans.' The materials from which these three chapters have been composed, are chiefly extracted from the writings of Mofes, Herodotus, Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, Plutarch, Livy, Q. Curtius, Arrian, Tacitus, Cæfar, &c. Nor has our author difdained to admit, as good authorities in these matters, not only Homer and Virgil, but even Ovid, and Pindar, with, occafionally, a long lift of poets of yet more doubtful note. But we are conftrained, nevertheless, to allow, that if the author does not treat us with much certain information, in this part of his performance, he has, at least, contrived to amuse and entertain us.

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Dr. Forster supposes that the first persons that ventured out to fea, were a set of banditti, who had been driven from the more civilized part of mankind on account of the brutality of their manners; and who inhabited the northern shores of the Arabian Gulf, and afterward spread themselves over all the land of Canaan. They are called "Horites," and "Anakims," or "children of Anak," in the Scriptures; but were known to the Greeks by the appellation of Troglodytes; and in succeeding times were better known by the name of Phanicians. He contends that the commerce and navigation of this people extended to the British Ifles fo early as the time of Mofes; and to the most northerly parts of Germany, in the days of Herodotus, and, perhaps, in those of Homer, because lead and tin, which, he says, are found no where but in Britain, were known to the former *; and tin and amber, the latter of which, according to him, is met with only in Pruffia and on the shores of the Baltic and German feas, are mentioned by the latter + authors. He feems clear that the Tarshish of the Scriptures was the ancient city of Tarteffus, the remains of which are still visible near Cadiz, in Spain; and hints, by a note of reference, that it took its name from Tarthith, one of the grandfons of Japheth, the fon of Noah 1. Another point warmly contended for by our author, is, that Africa is the Ophir of the ancients, and that it had been circumnavigated four times before Vasco de Gama effected that arduous task, in 1597 and 1598. The first of these cir cumnavigations he suppotes was made jointly by the Phoeni cians and Egyptians, in the days of Amasis I. and Sefoftris, kings of Egypt: and hence it is,' he adds, that we meet with fuch admirable, and, in fact, comprehenfive accounts of the natives of Africa, fo early as the time of Mofes, in the tenth chapter of Genefis.' He places the fecond circumnavigation of Africa in the reign of Solomon, about 500 years after the firft, when his ships went to Ophir for gold; for, adds he, These celebrated voyages of the Phoenicians and Hebrews to Ophir were nothing else than circumnavigations of Africa." Three hundied and eighty years after this, he says, • Pharaoh Necho gave orders for the circumnavigation of Africa to be performed; and in the reign of Ptolemy Evergetes II. one Eudoxus failed once more round Africa, which is 450 years later than the voyage

of Nacho.'

About 70 years after the time of Herodotus, that is, about 350 years before the birth of Chrift, the Greeks, stimulated by the defire of sharing with the Phoenicians in the lucrative trade for tin and amber, fent out two ships with a defign of difco

*

Numbers, ch. xxxi. v. 22. † Herodot. lib. iii. c. 115. and lib. iv. c. 27 and 31: alto Homeri Odyff. A. v. 14. Δ. V. 73 Ο. 459. Σ. ν. 295. and Iliad 2. ν. 474. I Genesi, ch. x. v. 4

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