fails to enflame compaffion. Indigent vice, on the contrary, raises indignation more than pity («); and therefore can have little profpect of relief. What a glorious incitement to industry and virtue, and how difcouraging to idlenefs and vice! Lamentable it is, that fo beautiful a ftructure should be razed to the ground by municipal law, which, in providing for the -poor, makes no diftinction between virtue and vice. The execution of the poor-laws would indeed be im-practicable, were fuch a diftinction attempted by enquiring into the conduct and character of every pauper. Where are judges to be found who will patiently follow out fuch a dark and intricate expifcation? To accomplish the task, a man must abandon every other Concern. In the first English ftatutes mentioned above, the legislature appear carefully to have avoided compulsory charity every measure for promoting voluntary charity was firft tried, before the fatal blow was ftruck, empowering parish-officers to impofe a tax for the poor. The legislature certainly did not foresee the baneful confequences: but how came they not to fee that they were diftrufting Provider.ce, declaring in effect, that the plan established by our Maker for the poor, is infufficient? Many are the municipal laws that enforce the laws of nature, by additional rewards and punishments; but it was fingularly bold, to abolish the natural law of charity, by establishing a legal tax in its ftead. Men will always be mending: what a confufed jumble do they make, when they attempt to mend the laws of Nature! Leave Nature to her own operations: fhe understands them the beft. Few regulations are more plaufible than what are political; and yet few are more deceitful. An ingenious writer makes the following obfervations upon the 43° Eliz. eftablishing a maintenance for the poor. Laws have been enacted in many other countries, "which have punished the idle beggar, and exhorted "the rich to extend their charity to the poor: but it (a) Elements of Criticism, chap. 2. part 7. is peculiar to the humanity of England, to have made their fupport a matter of obligation and ne"ceffity on the more wealthy. The English feem to "be the firft nation in Europe in fcience, arts, and arms they likewife are poffeffed of the freest and moft perfect of conftitutions, and the bleflings con"fequential to that freedom. If virtues in an indi"vidual are sometimes fuppofed to be rewarded in this "world, I do not think it too prefumptuous to fup pofe, that national virtues may likewife meet with "their reward. England hath, to its peculiar honour, "not only made their poor free, but hath provided a "certain and folid establishment to prevent their ne"ceffities and indigence, when they arife from what 1 the law calls the act of God: and are not these be"neficent and humane attentions to the miseries of "our fellow-creatures, the firft of those poor pleas which we are capable of offering, in behalf of our imperfections, to an all-wife and merciful Creator!" To this writer, who shows more zeal than knowledge, I oppose another, whofe reflections are more rational. "In England, there is an act of the legiflature, oblig ing every parish to maintain its own poor. Scarce any man living, who has not feen the effects of this "law but must approve of it; and yet fuch are its effects, that the streets of London are filled with objects, of mifery beyond what is feen in any other city. The labouring poor, depending on this law to "be provided in fickness and old age, are little fo"licitous to fave, and become habitually profufe. "The principle of charity is established by Providence "in the human heart, for relieving those who are difabled to work for themfelves. And if the labouring poor had no dependence but on the principle of "charity, they would be more religious; and if they were influenced by religion, they would be lefs abandoned in their behaviour. Thus this feeming-good act turns to a national evil: there is more distress <s among the poor in London than any where in Eu60 rope; and more drunkenness both in males and fe❝ males (a)." C 2 (a) Author of Angeloni's letters. I am I am aware, that, during, the reign of Elizabeth, fome compulfion might be neceffary to preferve the poor from ftarving. Henry VIII. had fequeftered all the hofpitals, a hundred and ten in number, and fquandered their revenues; he had also demolished all the abbeys. By thefe means, the poor were reduced to a miferable condition: efpecially as private charity, for want of exercife, was at a low ebb. That critical juncture required indeed help from the legislature; and a temporary provifion for the poor would have been a proper measure; fo contrived as not to fuperfede voluntary charity but rather to promote it. Unlucky it is for England, that fuch a measure was overlooked ; but Queen Elizabeth and her parliaments had not the talent of foreseeing confequences without the aid of experience. A perpetual tax for the poor was impofed, the most pernicious tax that ever was impofed in any Country. With refpect to the prefent times, the reason now given pleads against abolishing at once a legal provifion for the poor. It may be taken for granted, that charity is in England not more vigorous at prefent, than it was in the days of Elizabeth., Would our miniftry but lead the way, by fhowing fome zeal for a reformation, expedients would probably be invented, for fupporting the poor, without unhinging voluntary charity. The following expedient, is propofed, merely as a fpecimen. Let a tax be impofed by parliament on every parish for their poor, variable in proportion to the number; but not to exceed the half of what is neceffary; and directing the landholders to make up quarterly, a lift of the names and condition of fuch perfons as in their opinion need charity; with an eftimate of what each ought to have weekly. The public tax makes the half, and the other half is to be raised by voluntary contribution. To prevent collufion, the roll of the poor, and their weekly appointment, with a fubfcription of gentlemen for their part of the fum, fhall be examined by the juftices of peace at a quarterly meeting; who, on receiving fatisfaction, muft order the fum arifing from the public tax to be distributed among the poor poor contained in the roll, according to the estimate of the landholders. As the public fund lies dead till the fubfcription is completed, it is not to be imagined, that any gentleman will stand out: it would be a public imputation on his character. Far from apprehending any deficiency, confident I am, that every gentleman would confider it as honourable to contribute largely. This agreeable work muft be blended with what is rather difagreeable, that of excluding from the roll every profligate, male or female. If that rules be followed out with a proper degree of feverity, the innocent poor will diminish daily; fo as in time to be fafely left upon voluntary charity, without neceffity of any tax. But must miferable wretches, reduced to poverty by idleness or intemperance, be, in a Chriftian country, abandoned to difeafes and famine? It is this very argument, shallow as it is, that has corrupted the industry of England, and reduced multitudes to difeafes and famine. Those who are able to work, may be locked up in a house of correction, to be fed with bread and water; but with liberty of working for themfelyes.. And as for the remainder, their cafe is not defperate, when they have accefs to fuch tender-hearted perfons as are more eminent for pity than for principle. If by neglect or overfight any happen to die of want, the example will tend more to reforination, than the most pathetic difcourfe from the pulpit. Even at the hazard of lofing a few lives by neglect or overfight, common begging ought abfolutely to be prohibited. The moft profligate are the moft impudent, and the moft, expert at feigning diftrefs. If begging be indulged to any, all will rush into the public: idlers are fond of that wandering and indolent fort of life; and there is no temptation to idleness more fuccessful, than liberty to beg. In order to be relieved from conimon beggars, it has been propofed, to fine those who gave them alms. Little penetration muft they have, to whom the infufficiency of fuch at remedy is not palpable. It is eafy to give alms without been feen; and compaffion will extort alms, even at the hazard of futfering for it; not to mention, that C 3. every Book II. every one in fuch a cafe will avoid the odious character of an informer. The following remedy is fuggested, as what probably may answer better. An officer must be appointed in every parifh, with a competent falary, for apprehending and carrying to the workhoufe every ftrolling beggar, under the penalty of lofing his office, with what falary is due to him, if any beggar be found ftrolling four and twenty hours after the fact comes to his knowledge. In the workhoufe fuch beggars fhall be fed with bread and water for a year, but with liberty of working for themfelves. [ I declare refolutely againft a perpetual tax for the poor. But if there inuft be fuch a tax, I know of none lefs fubverfive of industry and morals, than that established in Scotland, obliging the landholders in every parish to meet at ftated times, in order to provide å fund for the poor; but leaving the objects of their charity, and the measure, to their own humanity and difcretion. In this plan, there is no encroachment on the natural duty of charity, but only that the minority muft fubmit to the opinion of the majority. In large towns, where the character and circumftances of the poor are not fo well known as in country-parishes, the following variation is propofed. Inftead of landholders, who are proper in country-parifhes, let there be in each town-parifh a ftanding committee, to be chofen by proprietors of houfes, the third part to be changed annually. This committee, with the minifter, make up a lift of fuch as deferve charity, adding an eftimate of what, with their own. labour, be fufficient for each of them. The may minifter, with one or two of the committee, carry about this lift to every family that can afford charity, fuggefting what may be proper for each to contribute. This lift, with an addition of the fum contributed or promifed by each houfeholder, must be affixed on the principal door of the parish-church, to honour the contributors, and to inform the poor of the provision made for them. Some fuch mode may probably be effectual, without tranfgreffing the bounds of voluntary charity. But if any one obftinately refuse to contribute after feveral applications, the committee at their dif cretion |