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he laft dwelt or was born; and there fhall remain, upon pain of being fet in the ftocks three days and "nights, with only bread and water, and then fhall "be put out of town." This was a law against vagrants, for the fake of order. There was little occafion, at that period, to provide for the innocent poor; their maintenance being a burden upon monafteries. But monafteries being put down by Henry VIII. there was a statute, 22d year of his reign, cap. 12. impowering the juftices of every county, to grant licences to poor aged and impotent perfons, to beg within a certain diftrict; thofe who beg without it, to be whipt, or fet in the stocks. In the first year of Edward VI. cap. 3. a ftatute was made in favour of impotent, maimed, and aged perfons, that they shall have convenient houfes provided for them, in the cities or towns where they were born, or where they refided for three years, to be relieved by the willing and charitable difpofition of the parishioners. By the 2d and 3d Philip and Mary, cap. 5. the former ftatutes of Henry VIII. and Edward VI. were confirmed, of gathering weekly relief for the poor by charitable collections. "A man licenced to beg, fhall wear a badge on his breaft and back openly."

The first compulfory ftatute was 5° Elizabeth, cap. 3. empowering juftices of peace to raife a weekly fum for the poor, by taxing fuch perfons as obftinately refufe to contribute, after repeated admonitions from the pulpit. In the next ftatute, 14° Elifabeth, cap. 5. a bolder ftep was made, impowering juftices to tax the inhabitants of every parish, in a weekly fum for their poor. And taxations for the poor being now in fome degree familiar, the remarkable statutes, 39° Elifab. cap. 3. and 43 Elifab. cap. 2. were enacted, which make the ground-work of all the fubfequent ftatutes concerning the poor. By thefe ftatutes, certain houfeholders, named by the juftices, are, in conjunction with the church-wardens, appointed overfeers for the poor; and these overfeers, with consent of two juftices, are empowered to tax the parish in what fums they think proper, for maintaining the poor..

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Book II. Among a people fo tenacious of liberty as the English are, and fo impatient of oppreffion, is it not furprifing, to find a law, that, without ceremony,. fubjects individuals to the arbitrary will of men, who seldom either by birth or education deserve that important trust and without even providing any effectual check against embezzlement ? At prefent, a British parliament would reject with fcorn fuch an abfurd plan; and yet, being familiarized to it, they never feriously have attempted a repeal. We have been always on the watch to prevent the fovereign's encroachments, especially with regard to taxes but as parish-officers are low perfons who infpire no dread, we fubmit to have our pockets picked by them, almoft without repining. There is provided, it is true, an appeal to the general feffions for redreffing inequalities in taxing the parishioners but it is no effectual remedy; artful overfeers will not over-rate any man fo grofsly as to make it his intereft to complain, confidering that these overfeers have the poor's money to defend themselves with. Nor will the general seffions readily liften to a complaint, that cannot be verified but with much time and trouble. If the appeal have any effect, it will make a ftill greater inequality, by relieving men of figure at the expence of their inferiors; who muft fubmit, having little intereft to ob

tain redress.

The English plan, befide being oppreffive, is grofsly unjuft. If it fhould be reported of fome diftant nation, that the burden of maintaining the idle and profligate, is laid upon the frugal and induftrious, who work

hard for a maintenance to themselves; what would one think of fuch a nation? Yet this is literally the case of England. I fay more the plan is not only oppreffive and unjuft, but miserably defective in the checking of mal-administration. In fact, great fums are levied beyond what the poor receive: it requires briguing to be named a church-warden: the nomination, in London especially, gives him credit at once and however meagre at the commencement of his office, he is round and plump before it ends. To wax fat and rich by rob

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bing

bing the poor! Let us turn our eyes from a fcene fo horrid*.

Inequality in taxing, and embezzlement of the money levied, which are notorious, poifon the minds of the people; and imprefs them with a notion, that all taxes raised by public authority are ill managed.

Thefe evils are great, and yet are but flight compared with what follow. As the number of poor in England, as well as the expence of maintainance, are increafing daily, proprietors of land, in order to be relieved of a burden fo grievous, drive the poor out of the parish, and prevent all perfons from fettling in it who are likely to become a burden: cottages are demolished, and marriage obftructed. Influenced by the prefent evil, they look not forward to depopulation, nor to the downfall of hufbandry and manufactures by fcarcity of hands. Every parish is in a state of war with every other parish, concerning pauper fettlements and removals.

The price of labour is generally the fame in the different fhires of Scotland, and in the different parishes. A few exceptions are occafioned by the neighbourhood of a great town, or by fome extensive manufacture that requires many hands. In Scotland, the price of labour refembles water, which always levels itself if high in any one corner, an influx of hands brings it down. The price of labour varies in every parish of England. A labourer who has gained a fettlement in a parish, on which he depends for bread when he inclines to be idle, dares not remove to another parish where wages are higher, fearing to be cut out out of a fettlement altogether. England is in the fame condition with respect to labour, that France lately was with refpect to corn; which,

*In the parish of St. George, Hanover Square, a great reform was made fome years ago. Inhabitants of figure, not excepting men of the highest rank, take it in turn to be churchwardens; which has reduced the poor-rates in that parish to a trifle. But people, after acquiring a name, foon tire of drudging for others. The drudgery will be left to low people as formerly, and the tax will again rife as high in that parish as in others. The poor-rates, in Dr. Davenant's time, were about 700,000 1: yearly at prefent they amount to between two and three millions.

Book II. which, however plentiful in one province, could not be exported to fupply the wants of another. The pernicious effects of the latter with refpect to food, are not more obvious, than of the former with refpect to manufactures.

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English manufacturers labour under a still greater hardfhip than inequality of wages. In a country where there is no fund for the poor but what nature provides, the labourer must be fatisfied with fuch wages as are cuftomary he has no refource; for pity is not moved by idleness. In England, the labourers command the market: if not fatisfied with cuftomary wages, they have an excellent refource; which is, to abandon work altogether, and to put themselves on the parish. Labour is much cheaper in France than in England

I have heard several plausible reasons; but in my opinion, the difference arifes from the poor-laws. In England, every man is entitled to be idle and every idler to a maintenance. In France, the funds appropriated to the poor, yield the fame fum annually that fum is always pre-occupied ; and France, with refpect to all but thofe on the lift, approaches to the ftate of a nation that has no fund provided by law for the poor.

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Depopulation, inequality in the price of labour, and extravagant wages are deplorable evils. But the English poor-laws are productive of evils ftill more deplorable: they are fubverfive both of morality and induftry. This is a heavy charge, but no lefs true than heavy. Fear of want is the only effectual motive to induftry with the labouring poor remove that fear and they cease to be induftrious. The ruling paffion of thofe who live by bodily labour, is to fave a pittance for their children, and for fupporting themselves in old age: ftimulated by defire of accomplishing these ends, they are frugal and induftrious; and the prospect of fuccefs is to them a continual feaft. Now what worse can malice invent against fuch a man, under colour of friendfhip, than to fecure bread to him and his children whenever he takes a diflike to work; which effectually deadens his fole ambition, and with it his honeft industry? Relying on the certainty of a provifion against want, he

relaxes

relaxes gradually till he fink into idleness: idleness leads to profligacy: profligacy begets diseases: and the wretch becomes an object of public charity before he has run half his courfe. Such are the genuine effect of the English tax for the poor, under a mistaken notion of charity. There never was known in any country, a fcheme for the poor more contradictory to found policy. Might it not have been forefeen, that to a grovelling creature, who has no fenfe of honour, and fcarce any of fhame, the certainty of maintenance would prove an irresistible temptation to idlenefs and debauchery? The poor-house at Lyons contained originally but forty beds, of which twenty only were occupied. The eight hundred beds it contains at prefent, are not fufficient for the poor who demand admittance. A premium is not more fuccessful in any cafe, than where it is given to promote idlenefs. A houfe for the poor was erected in a French village, the revenue of which, by œconomy, became confiderable. Upon a representation by the curate of the parish, that more beds were neceffary, the proprietor undertook the management. He fold the house, with the entire furniture; and to every proper object of charity, he ordered a moderate proportion of bread and beef. The poor and fick were more comfortably lodged at home, than formerly in the poor-house. And by that plan of management, the parish-poor decreased, instead of increafing, as at Lyons. How few English manufacturers labour the whole week, if the work of four or five days afford them maintenance? Is not this a demonstration, that the malady of idleness is widely fpread? In Bristol, the parish-poor twenty years ago did not exceed four thoufand at prefent, they amount to more than ten thoufand. But as a malady, when left to itlelf, commonly effectuates its own cure; fo it will happen in this cafe: when, by prevailing idlenefs, every one without fhame claims parish-charity, the burden will become intolerable, and the poor will be left to their shifts.

The immoral effects of public charity are not confined to those who depend on it, but extend to their children. The conftant anxiety of a labouring man to provide for his children, endears them to him. Being

relieved

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