ly, are the best difcipline for acquiring temper and moderation. Can pride and infolence be more effectually ftemmed, than to be commanded by an inferior? Still upon the important article of education. Where pleasure is the ruling paffion in youth, intereft will be the ruling paffion in age: the felfish principle is the foundation of both, the object only is varied. This obfervation is fadly verified in Britain: our young men of rank, loathing an irksome and fatiguing courfe of education, abandoning themselves to pleasure. Trace thefe very men through the more fedate part of life, and they will be found grafping at power and profit, by means of court favour, with no regard to their country, and with very little regard to their friends. The education proposed, holding up a tempting prize to virtuous ambition, is an excellent fence againft a life of indolent pleasure. A youth of fortune, engaged with many rivals in a train of public fervice, acquires a habit of bufinefs, and as he is conftantly employed for the public, patriotifim becomes his ruling paffion *. The advantages of a military education, fuch as that propofed, are not yet exhaufted: one of confiderable importance remains to be unfolded. Under regular government promoting the arts of peace, focial intercourse refines, and fondness for company increases in proportion. And hence it is, that the capital is crouded with every person who can afford to live there. A man of fortune, who has no tafte but for a city life, happens to be forced into the country by business: find ing The following portrait is sketched by a good hand, (Madame Pompadour), and if it have any refemblance, it fets our plan in a confpicuous light. The French nobleffe, fays that lady, fpending their lives in diffipation and idleness, know as little of politics as of economy. A gentleman hunts all his life in the country, or perhaps comes to Paris to ruin himself with an ope ra-girl, Thofe who are ambitious to be of the miniftry, have feldom any merit, if it be not in caballing and intrigue. The French nobleffe have courage, but without any genius for war, the fatigue of a foldier's life being to them infupportable. The king has been at the neceffity of employing two ftrangers for the fafety of his crown had it not been for the Counts Saxe and Louendahl, the enemies of France might have laid fiege to Paris. ing bufinefs and the country equally infipid, he becomes impatient, and returns to town, with a difguft at every rural amusement. In France, the country has been long deferted fuch fondnefs for fociety prevails there, that feldom has the King occafion to inflict a greater punishment on a man of fashion, than to banish him to his country-feat. In Britain the fame fondness for a town-life is gaining ground daily. A ftranger confidering the immenfe fums expended in England upon country-feats, would conclude in appearance with great certainty, that the English spend most of their time in the country. But how would it furprise him to be told, not only that people of fashion in England pafs little of their time in the country, but that the immenfe fums laid out upon gardening and pleafure-grounds, are the effect of vanity more than of tafte! In fact, fuch embellishments are beginning to wear out of fashion; appetite for fociety leaving neither time nor inclination for rural pleasures. If the progrefs of that difeafe can be stayed, the only means is military education. In youth lafting impreffions are made; and men of fortune who take to the army, being confined moftly to the country in prime of life, contract a liking for country occupations and amusements; which withdraw them from the capital, and contribute to the health of the mind, no lefs than of the body. A military education would contribute equally to moderation in focial enjoyments. The pomp, ceremony, and expence, neceffary to those who adhere to a court, and live always in public, are not a little fatiguing and oppreffive. Man is naturally moderate in his defire of enjoyment; and it requires much practice to make him bear excefs, without fatiety and difguft. The pain of excefs, prompts men of opulence to pafs fome part of their tinie in a fnug retirement, where they live at eafe, free from pomp and ceremony. Here is a retirement, which can be reached without any painful circuit port of fafety and of peace, to which we are piloted by military education, avoiding every dangerous rock, and every fatiguing agitation. a Reflecting on the advantages of military education above displayed, it is foolish to think, that our plan B 4 might might produce a total alteration of manners in our youth of birth and fortune? The idlers, the gamefters, the profligate, compared with our military men, would make a defpicable figure: fhame, not to talk of pride, would compel them to reform. How conducive to good government might the propofed plan be, in the hands of a virtuous king, fupported by a public-fpirited ministry! In the prefent course of advancement, a youth of quality who afpires to ferve his country in a civil employment, has nothing to rely on but parliamentary intereft. The military education propofed, would afford him opportunity to improve his talents, and to convince the world of his mefit. Honour and applaufe thus acquired, would intitle him to demand preferment; and he ought to be employed, not only as deferving, but as an encouragement to others. Frequent inftances of neglecting men who are patronized by the public, might perhaps prove dangerous to a British minifter. If I have not all this while been dreaming, here are difplayed illuftrious advantages of the military education propofed. Fondness for the fubject excites me to prolong the entertainment; and I add the following reflection, on the education of fuch men as are difpofed to ferve in a public station. The fciences are mutually connected; and a man cannot be perfect in any one, without being in fome degree acquainted with every one. The fcience of politics, in particular, being not a little intricate, cannot be acquired in perfection by any one whose studies have been confined to a fingle branch, whether relative to peace or to war. The Duke of Marlborough made an eminent figure in the cabinet, as well as in the field and fuch was equally the illuftrious Sully, who may ferve as a model to all minifters. The great aim in modern politics is, to split government into the greatest number poffible of departments, trufting nothing to genius. China is a complete model of fuch a government. National affairs are there fo fimplified by divifion, as to require fcarce any capacity in the mandarines. Thefe officers, having little occafion for activity, either of mind or of body, fink ; down down into floth and fenfuality; motives of ambition or of fame make no impreffion; they have not even fo much delicacy as to blush when they err: and as they regard no punishment but what touches the perfon or the purfe, it is not unusual to see a mandarine beaten with many stripes, fometimes for a flight tranfgreffion. Let arts be fubdivided into many parts; the more fubdivifions the better: but I venture to pronounce, that no man ever did, nor ever will, make a capital figure in the government of a state, whether as a judge, a general, or a minifter, whose education is rigidly confined to one science*. Senfible am I that the foregoing plan is in feveral refpects imperfect; but if it be found at bottom, polish and improvement are eafy operations. My capital aim has been, to obviate the objections that prefs hard against every military plan, hitherto embraced or propofed. A standing army in its prefent form, is dangerous to liberty; and but a feeble bulwark against fuperior force. On the other hand, a nation in which every fubject is a foldier, must not indulge any hopes of becoming powerful by manufactures and commerce: it is indeed vigorously defended, but is fcarce worthy of being defended. The golden mean of rotation and conftant labour in a standing army, would difcipline multitudes for peace as well as for war. And a nation fo defended would be invincible. SKETCH X. PUBLIC POLICE with respect to the POOR. A MONG thofe nations of Europe where government is a science, that part of public police which concerns the poor, makes now a confiderable branch of ftatute-law. The poor-laws are fo multiplied, and so anxiously framed, as to move one to think, that B 5 * Phocian is praised by ancient writers, for struggling against an abuse that had crept into his country of Attica, that of making war and politics different profeffions. In imitation of Arif tides and Pericles, he ftudied both equally. that there cannot remain a fingle perfon wanting bread. It is however a fad truth, that the disease of poverty, inftead of being eradicated, has become more and more inveterate. England in particular overflows with beggars, tho' in no other country are the indigent fo amply provided for. Some radical defect there must be in thefe laws, when, after endless attempts to perfect them, they all prove abortive. Every writer, diffatisfied with former plans, fails not to produce one of his own, which, in its turn, meets with as little approbation as any of the foregoing. The first regulation of the states of Holland concerning the poor, was in the year 1614, prohibiting all begging. The next was in the year 1649. "Is is enact"ed, That every town, village, or parish, fhall main "tain its poor out of the income of its charitable foun"dations and collections; and in case these means fall fhort, the magiftrates fhall maintain them at the ge"neral expence of the inhabitants, as can moft con"veniently be done : Provided always, that the poor "be obliged to work either for merchants, farmers, or "others, for reasonable wages, in order that they may, as far as poffible, be fupported that way; provided "alfo, that they be indulged in no idleness nor info"lence." The advice or inftruction here given to magiftrates, is fenfible; but falls fhort greatly of what be termed a law, the execution of which can be inforced in a court of justice. may In France, the precarious charitiy of monafteries proving ineffectual, a hofpital was erected in the city of Paris anno 1656, having different apartments; one for the innocent poor, one for putting vagabonds to hard labour, one for foundlings, and one for the fick and maimed, with certain funds for defraying the expence of each, which produce annually much about the fame fum. In imitation of Paris, hofpitals of the fame kind were erected in every great town of the kingdom. "The English began more early to think of their poor; and in a country without industry, the neceffity probably arofe more early. The firft English statute bears date in the year 1496, directing, "That every beggar unable to work, fhall refort to the hundred where པ་ ས he |