ry effort of genius to produce a more perfect mode. I am not difpofed to admit any defect of Providence, efpecially in an article effential to the well-being of fociety; and rather than yield to the charge, I venture to propofe the following plan, even at the hazard of being thought an idle projector. And what animates me greatly to make the attempt is, a firm conviction, that a military and an induftrious fpirit are of equal importance to Britain; and that if either of them be loft, we are undone. To reconcile these seeming antagonifts, is my chief view in the following plan; to which I fhall proceed, after paving the way by fome preliminary confiderations.

The first is, that as military force is effential to every state, no man is exempted from bearing arms for his country: all are bound; because none can be bound, if every one be not bound. Were any difference to be made, perfons of figure and fortune ought firft to be called to that fervice, as being the most interested in the welfare of their country. Liften to a good foldier delivering his opinion on that fubject. « Les levées "qui fe font par fupercherie font tout auffi odieuses; on "met de l'argent dans la pochette d'un homme, et on "lui dit qu'il eft foldat. Celles qui fe font par force, "le font encore plus; c'eft une defolation publique, "dont le bourgeois et l'habitant ne fe fauvent qu'a "force d'argent, et dont le fond est toujours un moyen ❝ odieux. Ne voudroit-il pas mieux établer, par une "loi, que tout homme, de quelque condition qu'il fût, "feroit obligé de fervir fon prince et fa patrie pendant cinq ans? Cette loi ne fçauroit être defapprovée, parce qu'il eft naturel et jufte que les citoyens s'einploient pour la défense de l'état. Cette methode de "lever des troupes feroit un fond inépuisable de belles "et bonnes recrues, qui ne feroient pas fujetes a déserL'on fe feroit même, par la fuite, un honneur et un devoir de ferver fa tâche. Mais, pour y par"venir, il faudroit n'en excepter aucune condition, "être févére fur ce point, et s'attacher a faire exécuter "cette loi de préférence aux nobles et aux riches. Per"fonne n'en murmureroit. Alors ceux qui auroient "fervi leur temps, verroient avec mépris ceux qui re"pugneroient

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56 pugneroient à cette loi, et infenfiblement on fe feroit un honneur de fervir. le pauvre bourgeois feroit con"folé par. l'exemple du riche; et celui-ci n'oferoit se "plaindre, voyant fervir le noble (@) *.”

Take another preliminary confideration. While there remained any portion of our original martial fpirit, the difficulty was not great of recruiting the army. But that tak hath of late years become extremely troublefame; and more disagreeable still than troublesome, by the neceffity of ufing deceitful arts for trepanning the unwary youth. Nor are fuch arts always fuccefsful: in our late war with France, we were neceffitated to give up even the appearance of voluntary fervice, and to recruit the army on the folid principle of obliging every man to fight for his country: the justices of peace were empowered by the legislature, to enforce into the fervice fuch as could be beft fpared from civil occupation. If a fingle claufe had been added, limiting the fervice to five or seven years, the measure would have been unexceptionable, even in a land of liberty. To relieve

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(a) Les reveries du Comte de Saxe.

"The method of inlifting men, by putting a trick upon them, is fully as odious. They flip a piece of money into a man's pocket, and then tell him he is a foldier. Inlifting by force is ftill more odious. It is a public calamity, from which the ci"tizen has no means of faving himself but by money; and it is confequently the worst of all the refources of government. "Would it not be more expedient to enact a law, obliging every man, whatever be his rank, to ferve his King and country for five years? This law could not be disapproved of, because "it is confiftent both with nature and juftice, that every citizen "should be employed in the defence of the ftate. Here would "be an inexhaustible fund of good and able foldiers, who would not be apt to defert, as every man would reckon it both his honour and his duty to have ferved his time. But to effect this, it must be a fixed principle, That there fhall be no ex“ception of ranks. This point must be rigorously attended to, "and the law muft be enforced, by way of preference, first "among the nobility and men of wealth. There would not be a

fingle man who would complain of it. A person who had ❤served his time, would treat with contempt another who fhould "show reluctance to comply with the law; and thus, by de"grees, it would become a talk of honour. The poor citizen "would be comforted and inspirited by the example of his rich neighbour; and he again would have nothing to complain of, when he faw that the nobleman was not exempted from fer*vice."

relieve officers of the army from practifing deceitful arts for recruiting their corps, by fubftituting a fair and conftitutional mode, was a valuable improvement. It was of importance with respect to its direct intendment; but of much greater with refpect to its confequences. One of the few disadvantages of a free ftate, is licentioufnefs in the common people, who may wallow in diforder and profligacy without control, if they be but cautious to refrain from grofs crimes, punishable by law. Now, as it appears to me, there never has been devised a method more efficacious for reftoring industry and fobriety, than that under confideration. Its falutary effects were confpicuous, even during the fhort time it fubfifted. The dread of being forced into the fervice, rendered the populace peaceable and orderly: it did more; it rendered them induftrious in order to conciliate favour. The moft beneficial difcoveries have been accidental: without having any view but for recruiting the army, our legislature ftumbled upon an excellent method for reclaiming the idle and the profligate; a matter, in the prefent depravity of manners, of greater importance than any other that concerns the police of Britain. A perpetual law of that kind, by promoting industry, would prove a fovereign remedy against mobs and riots, difeases of a free country, full of people and of manufactures*. Why were the foregoing ftatutes, for there were two of them, limited to a temporary existence? There is not on record another ftatute better intitled to immortality.

And now to the project, which, after all my efforts, I produce with trepidation; not that I doubt of its folidity, but as ill fuited to the prefent manners of this if land. To hope that it will be put in practice, would indeed be highly ridiculous: this can never happen, till patriotif flourish more in Britain than it has done for fome time paft. Suppofing now an army of 60,000 men

to

Several late mobs in the fouth of England, all of them on pretext of scarcity, greatly alarmed the adminiftration.. A fact was difcovered by a private perfon (Six weeks tour through the fouth of England), which our minifters ought to have discovered, that these mobs conftantly happened where wages were high and provifions low; confequently that they were occafioned, not by want, but by wantonnefs.

to be fufficient for Britain, a rational method for raifing fuch an army, were there no ftanding forces, would be, that land-proprietors, in proportion to their valued rents, fhould furnish men to ferve feven years, and no longer t. But as it would be no less unjust than imprudent, to difband at once our prefent army, the soft and natural way is, to begin with moulding gradually the old army into the new, by filling up vacancies with men bound to serve seven years and no longer. And for raifing proper men, a matter of much delicacy, it is propofed, that in every fhire a fpecial commiffion be given to certain landholders of rank and figure, to raise recruits out of the lower claffes, felecting always thofe who are the leaft useful at home.

Second. Those who claim to be difmiffed after ferving the appointed time, fhall never again be called to the fervice, except in cafe of an actual invafion. Every one of them fhall be intitled to a premium of eight or ten pounds, for enabling him to follow a trade or calling, without being fubjected to corporation laws. The private men in France are inlifted but for fix years; and that mode has never been attended with any inconvenience.

Third. With refpect to the private men, idleness must be totally and for ever banished. Suppofing three months yearly to be fufficient for military difcipline, the men, during the reft of the year, ought to be employed upon public works, forming roads, erecting bridges, making rivers navigable, clearing harbours, &c. &c.Why not alfo furnish men for half pay to private undertakers of useful works? And fuppofing the daily pay of a foldier to be ten pence, it would greatly encou rage extenfive improvements, to have at command a number of ftout fellows, under ftrict difcipline, at the low wages of five-pence a-day. An army of 60,000 men thus employed, would not be fo expenfive to the public, as 20,000 men upon the prefent establishment: for befides the money contributed by private undertakers,

In Denmark, every land-proprietor of a certain rent, is obliged to furnifh a militia-man, whom he can withdraw at pleasure upon fubftituting another; an excellent method for taming the peasants, and for rendering them industrious.

19 kers, public works carried on by foldiers, will be miferably ill contrived, if not cheaply purchased with their pay *.

The most important branch of the project, is what regards the officers. The neceffity of reviving in our people of rank fome portion of military fpirit, will be acknowledged by every perfon of reflection; and in that view, the following articles are propofed. Firft: That there be two claffes of officers, one ferving for pay, one without pay. In filling up every vacant office of cornet or enfign, the latter are to be preferred; but in progreffive advancement, no diftinction is to be made between the claffes. An officer who has served feven years without pay, may retire with honour.

Second. No man fhall be privileged to represent a county in parliament, who has not ferved feven years without pay; and, excepting an actual burgefs, none but thofe who have performed that fervice, fhall be privileged to reprefent a borough. The fame qualification fhall be neceffary to every one who afpires to serve the public or the King in any office of dignity, excepting only churchmen and lawyers, with regard to offices in their refpective profeffions. In old Rome, none were admitted candidates for any civil employment, till they had served ten years in the army.

Third. Officers of this clafs are to be exempted from the taxes impofed on land, coaches, windows, and plate; not for faving a trifling fum, but as a mark of diftinction.

The military spirit must in Britain be miferably low, if fuch regulations prove not effectual to decorate the army with officers of figure and fortune. Nor need we to apprehend any bad confequences, from a number of raw officers, who ferve without pay: among men of birth, emulation will have a more commanding influence than pay or profit; and at any rate, there will always be a fufficiency of old experienced officers receiving pay, ready to take the lead in every difficult enterprize. Fourth.

Taking this for granted, I bring only into the calculation the pay of the three months fpent in military discipline; and the calculation is very fimple the pay of 20,000 for twelve months amounting to a greater fum than the pay of 60,000 for three months.