Hands of Britain, which I hope they will not, the Boundaries of Canada must be ascertained, and of the Floridas too.

I believe I can tell you a Piece of News. The Cabinet at London have determined to send to their Commissioners in America Instructions to offer you Independence, provided you will make Peace with them separate from France and make a commercial Treaty with them, by which they may retain something like their late Monopoly.

They certainly think that Americans are not Men of Honour. They believe them capable of violating their first Treaty, their first solemn sacred Faith, within a few Moments of its unanimous Ratification. Is it because they have seen, or heard, anything like this Perfidy in Americans, or is it because they feel themselves capable of such Conduct and infer from thence that all other Men are equally so?

Is there a Man in America who would not run all Hazards, who would not suffer the last Extremity, rather than stain the first Page of our History with so foul a Breach of Faith? Is there [one] who would confess and prove to the World that America has no Honour, no Confidence, no faith, no Piety for the sake of avoiding the Evils of War?

But where and how did the King and Council obtain Authority to make such an offer? They have no such Power. Parliament alone can do it.

But they mean no such Thing. They mean only to seduce soldiers to Desertion. They mean only to draw in Congress or some public Body to break their Faith with France, and to do the same Act which shall forfeit the Confidence of all Mankind, and then they think they can manage America. Their object in this Piece of Policy, as in all their others towards America, appears to me to be to seduce, to deceive, and to divide. They must, however, be brought to mingle some sincerity with their Policy before they will succeed. I am as ever, yours.

JOHN ADAMS TO JAMES WARREN

PASSY, August 4, 1778

MY DEAR SIR, Your kind Favor of July 1st was brought here Yesterday from Bordeaux where Capt. Ayres has arrived, but was not deliver'd me till this day, this is only the second received from you. I have infinite Satisfaction in learning from all parts of America the prosperous Train of our Affairs and the Unanimity and Spirit of the people. Every Vessel brings us fresh Occasions of Ardour to the French and of Depression to the English in the War that is now begun in earnest.

The Resolutions of Congress upon the conciliatory Bills, the Address to the People the Ratification of the Treaty, the Answer to the Commissioners, the President's Letter, the Message of G[overnor] Livingston and the Letter of Mr. Drayton are read here with an Avidity that would surprise you. It is not one of the least Misfortunes of Great Britain, that she has to contend with so much Eloquence, that there are such Painters to exhibit her attrocious Actions to the World and transmit them to posterity, every publication of this kind seems to excite the Ardour of the French Nation and of their Fleets and Armies, as much as if they were Americans.

While American Orators are thus employed in perpetuating the Remembrance of the Injustice and Cruelty of G. Britain towards us, the French Fleet has been giving such a Check to her naval Pride as she has not experienced before for many Ages. The Vessel which is to carry this will carry Information of a general Engagement between D'Orvielliers and Keppell, which terminated in a disgraceful Flight of the British Fleet.1 We hope soon to hear of D'Estaing's Success which would demonstrate to the Universe that Britain is no longer Mistress of the Ocean. But the Events of War are always uncertain and a Misfortune may have happen'd to the French Fleet in America. But even if this should be the Case, which I dont believe, still Britain is not Mistress of

I July 27. The maneuver failed because of Sir Hugh Palliser's neglect of Keppel's orders.

the Sea, and every day will bring fresh proofs that she is not. The Springs of her Naval power are dried away.

I have hitherto had the Happiness to find that my Pulse beat in exact Unison with those of my Countrymen. I have venturd with some Freedom to give my Opinion what Congress would do with the Conciliatory Bills, with the Commissioners with the Treaty, etc., etc., and every packet brings us proceedings of Congress, according in Substance, but executed in a Manner infinitely exceeding my Abilities.

Nothing has given me more Joy than the Universal Disdain that is expressed both in public and private Letters at the Idea of Departing from the Treaty and violating the public Faith. This Faith is our American Glory, and it is our Bulwark, it is the only Foundation on which our Union can rest securely, it is the only Support of our Credit both in Finance and Commerce, it is our sole Security for the Assistance of Foreign powers. If the British Court with their Arts could strike it or the Confidence in it we should be undone forever. She would triumph over us after all our Toil and Danger; she would subjugate us more intirely than she ever intended. The Idea of Infidelity cannot be treated with too much Resentment or too much Horror. The Man who can think of it with Patience is a Traitor in his Heart, and ought to be execrated as one who adds the deepest Hypocrisy to the blackest Treason.

Is there a sensible Hypocrite in America who can start a Jealousy that Religion may be in danger, and from whence can this arise? not from France. She claims no Inch of Ground upon your Continent, she claims no legislative Authority over you, no negative upon your Laws, no Right of appointing you Bishops, nor of sending you Missionaries. Besides the Spirit for cruisading for Religion is not in France. The Rage of making Proselytes which has existed in former Centuries is no more. There is a Spirit more liberal here in this Respect than I expected to find. Where has been the danger to the Religion of the protestant Cantons of Switzerland from an Alliance with France, which has subsisted with entire Harmony for 150 Years or thereabouts. But this Subject is fitter for Ridicule than serious Argument, as

nothing can be clearer than that in this enlighten'd tollerant Age, at this vast Distance, without Claim or Colour of Authority, with an express Acknowledgement and Warranty of Sovereignty, this, I had almost said tollerant Nation can never endanger our Religion.

The longer I live in Europe and the more I consider our Affairs the more important our Alliance to France appears to me. it is a Rock upon which we may safely build. narrow and illiberal prejudices peculiar to John Bull, with which I might perhaps have been in some degree infected when I was John Bull, have now no Influence with me. I never was however much of John Bull. I was John Yankee and such I shall live and die. Is G. Britain to be annihilated? No such thing. A Revolution in her Government may possibly take place, but whether in Favor of Despotism or Republicanism is the Question. The Scarcity of Virtue and even the Semblance of it seems an invincible Obstacle to the latter. But the Annihilation of a Nation never takes place. It depends wholly on herself to determine whether she shall sink down into the Rank of the middling powers of Europe or whether she shall maintain the second place in the Scale, if she continues this War the first will be her Fate, if she stops short in her mad Career and makes peace she may still be in the second predicament. America will grow with astonishing Rapidity and England France and every other Nation in Europe will be the better for her prosperity. Peace which is her dear Delight will be her Wealth and her glory, for I cannot see the Seed of a War with any part of the World in future but with Great Britain, and such States as may be weak enough, if any such there should be, to become her Allies. That such a peace may be speedily concluded and that you and I may return to our Farms to enjoy the Fruits of them, spending our old Age in recounting to our Children the Toils and Dangers we have encounter'd for their Benefit is the Wish of Your Friend and very humble Servant,

JOHN ADAMS

SAMUEL ADAMS TO JAMES WARREN

MY DEAR SIR, — As Mr. Dana purposes to set off early tomorrow Morning I am unwilling to omit writing a Letter to you to be deliverd by him. I part with him with great Reluctance, because I esteem him a very valuable Member of Congress. It is a Consola tion to me that he has a Seat in the General Assembly, where I am satisfied he will be greatly instrumental in promoting the Reputation and true Interest of our Country. I sincerely regret that you have not a Seat there; nevertheless I hope you will not withdraw your Influence, which though not a Member, you may employ for the publick Good. There are yet remaining some of the old Patriots who have long struggled with you against the publick Enemies. You will derive to yourself great Delight by a Recapitulation, of past Scenes, in a Circle of such Friends, and by joyning with them in further Efforts, you may make your self still more servicable to our great Cause. I know you are engaged in an important Continental Department and your Hands are full of Business; but I hope you will find Time to continue and further to cultivate an Intimacy with the leading Men of that State in the Government of which, I will venture to say, you must again have a great Share. Adieu my Friend.

PHILADA., Augt. 9, '78.

S. A.

STATE

JAMES WARREN TO SAMUEL ADAMS1

BOSTON, Augt. 18, 1778

MY DEAR SIR, Since my last which I own was many days ago, I have had the pleasure of several of your favours of the 14th, 15th and 27th July and thank you for them. I think Congress have pitched on a person to settle Ceremonials who will not be in favour of what I hate, pompous parade, etc. I should have voted for you for that reason. in my Opinion all the plainess and simplicity Con

I From the Samuel Adams Papers in the New York Public Library.