JOHN DICKINSON TO MERCY WARREN

MY ESTEEMED Friend,

Thy Letter with its Inclosure came to my Hands Yesterday, for which I return many Thanks. Thy Approbation I consider as a real Honor, and it is greatly endeared to Me, by coming from a Sister of my very deserving and highly valued Friend James Otis.

Our Acquaintance with one another was formed at the first Congress held at New York, in the Year 1765; and it soon grew into Friendship.

At this distant Period I have a pleasing Recollection of his Candor, Spirit, Patriotism and Philanthropy. [With a lon]ger continued Existence on this Earth [than was] allotted to him, I have endeavoured, as well as I could, to aid the Cause in which his Heart was engaged, by asserting and maintaining the Liberties, for which he would have been willing to share in all the Distresses of our Revolution, and, if necessary, to lay down his Life.

It soothes my Mind, to hear this pure Testimony to departed worth.

May Divine Goodness graciously bestow on his Relations, a plentiful portion of Consolations.

Thy generous Exertions to inform thy fellow Citizens, and to present thy Country before the World in a justly favorable Light, will be, I firmly believe, attended with the desired Success. With every respectful Consideration I am thy Sincere Friend,

JOHN DICKINSON

WILMINGTON the 25th of the 9th Month 1805.

THOMAS JEFFERSON TO MERCY WARREN

Th: Jefferson presents his respectful compliments to Mrs. Warren and his thanks for the copy of her History of the American revolution which he received yesterday.1 his emploiments have not yet permitted him to enter on it's reading; but he

1 A copy of the History was in the Jefferson Library when purchased for the Library of Congress.

anticipates much pleasure from the perusal of a work which taking truth, both of fact and principle, for it's general guide, will furnish in addition original matter of value, not before given to the public.

He prays Mrs. Warren and Genl. Warren to accept his friendly salutations and assurances of high respect and esteem.

WASHINGTON, Apr. 26, '06.

JOHN DICKINSON TO MERCY WARREN

MY GREATLY Esteemed Friend, In thy Intercourse with the World thou must have observed, how much Pleasure may be derived from a Communion of Minds without personal Acquaintance: That Pleasure I perceive to be strongly communicated by thy Correspondence.

I am gratefully sensible of thy kind Enquiries about my Health. Excepting a pain in the small of my Back at times severe, it is good, considering my Age, having entered upon my seventy fifth Year on the thirteenth Day of last Month. I see, and hear, and walk, and ride, as well as I did in my Youth. Such an old Age could hardly be expected by a Man born in the Middle part of Maryland.

These and several other Circumstances, relating to private Condition are gratifying: But - When I look at the State of the world, I see Cause, according to the apostolic Language, to be "troubled on every Side, and perplexed; but not despairing.'

Great Changes have taken place; and as great, I presume, will succeed. Human Affairs are now flowing along in a vast Torrent. It will not continue. It does not appear to Me likely, that any of the Actors in the present Tragedies will establish the Jews in the Land of Canaan.

The best Commentators I have met with, when speaking only of their general Conversion, represent that Event as two or three Centuries remote.

That Nation is indeed, to use thy Expression, "a standing Miracle," and most certainly and wonderfully will be instrumental in accomplishing the divine purposes.

Connected with their general Conversion will be the mighty Revolution in papal Christendom, and the fall of the Turkish Empire.

These Things seem to be rapidly approaching; yet, they are not very near, unless some Errors have been committed by Commentators in their Calculations.

Tho I do not believe the present state of France to be particularly designated in any Prophesy, yet I doubt not, but her Conduct will under providential superintendence, be made to promote beneficent Plans of Infinite Wisdom.

When I recollect, how amazingly the Roman Conquest facilitated the propagation of the Religion of our Blessed Saviour, I cannot forbear applying to him the Expressions used by the poet with an other Meaning

For him the self-devoted Decii dyed,

The Scipios conquered, and the Fabii fell.

Again - -When that Empire having attained its utmost Grandeur, as all things human how ever magnificent tend to Decay, was dissolving, to how many barbarous Nations "walking in Darkness," did its expiring Agonies convey the Light of the Gospel!

Coming nearer to our own Days we may observe, that when the Christian Verity was deeply corrupted, the Abomination of the Court of Rome and the inordinate passions of Princes, became subservient to a wholesome Reformation.

In this Retrospection it is found, first, that the Effects produced, were directly contrary to the Intentions of the Agents: and secondly, that the Agents were generally bad Men.

Such Instances of over-ruling Government, seem to hold for Encouragement in these convulsive seasons. "The Lord reigneth, let the Earth rejoice."

Limited as our Capacities are, We are favored so far as to perceive, that the Sovereign of the Universe can deduce Good out of Evil; and that he is inclined so to do: But our sentiments on this Head must be mingled with pure Humility, for "who hath known the Mind of the Lord? or, who hath been his Councellor?"

That every happiness may attend the Sister of the Man I loved, herself worthy to be loved, is the Prayer of thy sincere Friend JOHN DICKINSON

WILMINGTON, the 22d of the 12 Month, 1806.

I received from Matthew Carey of Philadelphia on the 4th of the last ninth Month, the two setts of thy valuable History for which I had subscribed, and paid him for them twelve Dollars.

JAMES WINTHROP TO MERCY WARREN

CAMBRIDGE, 4 Feb., 1807

MADAM, — I cannot avoid writing to express the pleasure I derived from reading your history of the revolution. It is a well digested and polished narrative, and gave great satisfaction. But I am afraid you will not believe my praise unless qualified with some remarks to shew that I gave it a critical reading. To say that we are pleased with a book, that we have read so carelessly, as hardly to know what is in it, is hardly giving any praise at all. It is only saying that we met with nothing offensive, and that is hardly to be deemed praise. I must therefore give you proof that I have read it.

In Vol 1. It is said that Mr. Bernard retired with a title and a pension of a thousand pounds sterling a year. Of the pension I have nothing to remark, but the proof of royal favor in granting him a title was a considerable time before he left the government. I have heard Mr. Otis fill up a Chasm in his public speech, with Mr. Bernard's titles at full length "His excellency Sir Francis Bernard of Nettleham, Baronet, Governor and Commander in chief of his Majesty's province of the Massachusetts in New England, and vice Admiral of the same." To a man of the Governor's disposition, pleased with those little exterior circumstances, the ridicule was well applied and the hearers generally understood it.1

I In April, 1769, Bernard was created a baronet as of Nettleham in the county of Lincoln.

In the last Volume I suspect an anachronism, as respecting one of the attacks on the island of Jersey. The first expedition was some time in the summer, I believe before Cornwallis had got into difficulty in Virginia. Yet the Commodore is charged with blame in not hastening to America where he might be wanted. I do not know how it would stand on a strict comparison of dates. This was merely the impression made on me in reading.

There are several passages in the course of the work which mark the goodness of the Author's mind, and probably if her system of kind treatment could be applied to a state of war, the condition of mankind would be ameliorated. But I have serious doubts whether the maxims of friendly intercourse can be applied to such a state. It seems to me that the nature of war requires the parties to do all the hurt they can. The mildest, that has been supposed to [be] a true maxim, is that the conquerors succeede to all the rights of government, possessed by their immediate predecessors. In some cases this may be true, where an extensive country is obliged to submit, the Victor wants the revenue, and of course must preserve things as free from change as possible, not indeed from any sense of duty to the vanquished, but from a regard to his own interest. This does not go so far as to justify a state of war, but merely to define the rights resulting from that state. War is a state that I believe is always to be deprecated, when it does not arise from inevitable necessity. But when one nation, depending on its strength and not on the justice of its cause, makes war upon another, the necessity of war is inevitable on the part of the invaded State. The two nations are to be considered as two individuals in a state of nature. The invader will do all he can to enforce submission or to destroy his antagonist; the invaded has acquired a right to do all he can to repel or even to destroy the invader. In the quarrel of two individuals, it ends with the life of one of them, when carried to the utmost length of war. In such a case between nations it ends with the submission or conquest of one of the parties. This is the political death of one of the nations. Private citizens are only to be considered as members of the body politic, and in a dispute between two governments, their subjects immediately are exposed to annoyance, as