was

selves by every exertion which principle coud inspire or fortitude support not quite consonant to truth. That measuring your exertions with your means they appeard the most feeble in the union. That tho' essentially distinguishd from the other States in the Union by the vast profits, emoluments and advantages arising from the residence of Congress their treasury - Officers and the foreign Ministers among you; by freedom from an Enemy or Impress among you for several years; prospering in agriculture, trade, and commerce you had been almost as deficient in the whole of your contributions as those States which were essentially distinguishd from you- by the devastation of their fields the — destruction of their Capitols - the interruption of their trade, and commerceand by all the calamities, which internal war can bring upon a distressd People. The object of this Address will be, to prove to you, that if you have been justly chargeable with defective exertions in furnishing your quota to the field, and to the continental treasury your alertness in taking money out of the same treasury for state purposes, has distinguishd you far beyond any State in the Union. This fact will appear most clearly from the following view drawn from the journals of Congress.

MONIES DRAWN OUT OF THE TREASURY OF THE U. S.

From this it is plain, that for five years of the war, you were not very free of your fortunes, but exceedingly liberal of your drafts on the Continental Treasury, so that you receivd twice as much as Massachusetts and six times as much as Virginia. Yet these States are to redeem a fifth more than you. If we take the middle of each year for reducing the Sums taken in them respectively, we shall find the whole to amount to 1,152,848 hard dollars, which you have taken out of the United Treasury; and you boast of having put into it 100,000.

The error then of the Addressers seems to be this - that they have claimd a general pre-eminence of merit, during the whole war, from having contributed a little more money than most of the States in the Union, during the last year of the war. But surely you will allow it to be just, that when such comparisons are drawn, they shoud flow from a view of the sum total of the Contributions of each State in Men, Money, and Specifics, during the whole war, deducting the monies they drew from the common fund.

When you are forming this estimate, I hope you will not forget, what I know from having servd in that campaign, that at the close of the year 1776, when the Enemy threatnd immediately your State and your City, the State of Virginia alone furnishd two thirds of the Troops, which enabled our illustrious General, to execute an enterprize against the Enemy's posts in the Jerseys, repelld the danger from you at that time and gave an ascendency to our military reputation which it never lost. Had we then depended on the boasted exertions of a City, containing forty thousand Inhabitants, free of their fortunes and their lives, as the Address says, the fact shews that — in the most pressing danger to themselves and to the Union, they woud hardly have furnishd Regulars enough to have attackd a Picket of the Enemy. Yet we see, that in the same year your State drew from the public treasury 1,035,000 dlls—when paper-money was little if at all depritiated. I shall not repeat the reasons that were then given, for your not making more adequate exertions. The[y] did no honor to your patriotism. It was a misfortune that revolution principles prevaild so little among you. But surely you shoud have had more modesty, remembering those circumstances, than to have boasted, that you were distinguishd for doing, what you were in fact distinguishd for not doing. I perceive that you will attempt to draw some source of defence, from the payments you have made since the close of the year 1782, which I am informd exceed those of any other State. But let it be rememberd, that the preeminence which the residence of Congress gave you in the eyes of Europe, drew almost the whole of the foreign trade to your City on the cessation of hostilities; insomuch that it is matter of common notoriety that in a few months, the duty of 2 pr Ct on Imports, brot into your treasury fifty thousand pounds. So that the whole of your contribution very little exceeds the produce of a single tax.

The same cause drew to you many rich Emigrants, who have deposited large sums of specie in that Bank, which the public money raisd in your City for your sole emolument. The States ought to order an enquiry by what authority so partial a use was made of the public money, while several of them were laid waste by the Enemy for want of Arms, and Ammunition to repel them, while the troops to the southward were destitute of Cloathing, and recruiting their lines, was for that reason renderd impracticable.

Having now fulfilld the purpose with which I addressd you, Gentlemen, I shall take my leave with recommending to you that modesty, without which even merit loses its lustre and its beauty.

.

JAMES WARREN TO JOHN ADAMS

ADAMS MSS.

MILTON, October 27th, 1783

DEAR SIR, Your Favours of the 20th and 21st of March, and the 9th, 12th, 13th and 16th of April, have come safe to Hand, but did not reach me till this Month, and found me on this Hill, at Work among my Potatoes, instead of being in Congress "at the great Wheel." Nor do I regret this on my own Account. I am quite contented with a private life, and my Ambition is quite satisfied by excelling in the perfection of my Composts, the Culture of my Lands, and in the Quality and Abundance of my Crops; but I own I sometimes wish to be at the Wheel to serve my Country, and to support her Friends, and my Own, who I am happy to say are always the same, and never more than since I receiv'd your Letters, for though my Ideas with regard to the Politicks and Conduct of the French Court, were in general right before, you have certainly given me some new Ones with regard to the Folly of our Own. from this Folly (by which I mean not only Weakness but Corruption) has proceeded all the Difficulties, Embarrassments, Neglects, and even Insults that you, and other honest Men have suffer'd, and the Dangers this Country has been expos'd to, and from which it has by the Vigilance, Industry, and Ability of a Few been rescued with Difficulty. The Foreign Influence (or the French and Frankleian Politicks) which produces all this is very extensive, and very strong, the Traits of it are to be seen every where, in Boston as well as Philadelphia, but to be sure the last is the Place where the Focus is collected, and where it operates with its greatest Force. An honest Young Gentleman sent there to represent his Country, and who feels and resents with Spirit its Injuries, in a Fortnight will be soften'd, and in another Week become quite Tame and Compliant. Louisdores must have a Share in such wonderful Conversions, and I think I can observe the Effects of them at Boston. I am told that Congress since they left Philadelphia have acted with more Freedom than before, it is to be wish'd they may never return. This Influence is greatly strengthened by an Union with those who wish to Establish an Oligarchy, and who have nearly effected it. these play into each

1

others Hands, and by their joint Efforts bear down all Opposition. Morris is a King, and more than a King. He has the Keys of the Treasury at his Command, Appropriates Money as he pleases, and every Body must look up to him for Justice and for Favour. When Wilson succeeds as Minister for Foreign Affairs, Fitzwilliams is at the Head of the Marine, and a Suitable Person succeeds Gen'l Lincoln, who has resign'd the War Department,3 when he shall say what Number of Troops shall be kept up, and have an Host of New Placemen to collect an Impost Mortgaged for Twenty-five Years, he will have us all in his Pocket; It is this Alliance that makes me tremble, the Foreign Influence might be destroy'd, or be discourag'd by the Expence, or ballanc'd by Ministers from other Courts, especially from Britain, but if this Oligarchal System is not Annihilated, I think our Liberties must be. You will be able to Judge from all this what an Influence Money and Fortune give a Man in this Country, especially when you recollect the Character you have heard given of this Man, and his Abilities; and you will no longer wonder at the want of Intelligence, because much is to be done to accommodate Matters to their System before it is given. This will account for the Revocation of the Commission for a Treaty of Commerce, however fatal it may probably prove to the Interests of our Country, for the wrong Sentiments prevailing with regard to Commerce, and for the Plan of a Monopoly now subsisting in Favour of France our disinterested and generous Ally; for the Obstructions to your Negotiations in Holland: for your Instructions at different Times, and why no Appointment has been made to the Court of Great Britain, and for the ill Conduct of our Foreign Affairs in All respects. No Appointment is yet made to the Court of Britain, because your Character and Conduct is so unexceptionable and good in the Eyes of all honest Men, and the People in General, that they dare not yet treat you with that Neglect that is consistent with their Views, and yet they can't wish to have you the Man. thus they Jockey, and Play into each others Hands, and

1 James Wilson (1742–1798).

2 Probably Thomas Fitzsimons (1741-1811) is intended.

3 Lincoln's resignation was accepted by Congress October 29.

gratify the Court and the Doctor. I sincerely with all the Ardour of Friendship and Patriotism lament your want of Health, and Support. I have pray'd for your Health, and done all in my Power in my small Circle to give you Support, and have very good Reasons why I have not given it in a Place where it might have been more Efficacious. I could not go to Congress immediately on my Election which was out of Season, and Unexpected, and before I had an Opportunity I was prevented by Sickness.

What shall I say about your coming Home? You know that as a Friend I wish to see you. Your Country wants you here. Your Family would be happy to have you return. But where and in what Situation should we have been if you and Mr. Jay had not been in Europe? When I form an Idea of it I feel like a Man that has had a Hair-Breadth Escape from a Precipice. Your Delineation of the Character and Views of a Young Nobleman is exceedingly Just, and shews in a convincing Light the wrong policy of our Country in their Instructions, even if it could possibly be good Policy to let down and humble their Ministers; After all I don't know that I detest any Character more than that of the Old Man, who is, as you might expect your determin'd Enemy. You will before this reaches you get a paragraph of one of his Letters, which if you should by an Interval be in possession of your right Mind will put the Matter out of Doubt; How long will he live? and if he lives how long can he be able to preserve the good Opinion and Confidence of his Country? The Bubble must burst soon, or Mankind are more lost to Sentiment and Virtue, than I can suppose. I wish instead of being a Door-Keeper for three or four Days you could be on a Seat in Congress, and have a full Swing in developing the Character and Conduct of this Man, and descanting on the false Politicks of your Country. I should like to be your Colleague.

With regard to the State of our particular Affairs, Government here is in the same Hands. Our Delegates are Gerry, Partridge, Osgood, Sullivan and Danielson - the Wisdom of our Legislature have left out Holton and Higginson two very good and uncorrupt Men for the sake of the two last. The great Political Object that now engages the Contemplation of the Continent is the Support of Publick Credit, and it is indeed an Object worthy their serious