has not derived half the Advantage from the Alliance in the War, nor will She hold half the Benefit after the Peace, which She might have done, if She had vouchsafed to hearken to the Advice of those, who would have given it honestly and wisely.

To enter into the contemptible detail of all the unworthy Artifices, the Follies and Impositions, that have been the Fruit of these Characters; the "petit Commerce" of — and and the Arts in Holland, Spain, Russia, Sweeden, Denmark and all the rest of Europe, to prevent the progress of our Cause, and defeat our Negociations; to straiten in the Article of Money, and distress Us in the War; to keep Us humble, tame and dependent; to strip Us of the Fishery and Western Lands, the Millions of Affronts, Neglects, Contempts, or, in one French Word, "Desagrémens," which have been put upon the Servants of Congress, would fill Volumes.

The Moral and the Politick of all is, "See with your own Eyes, judge with your own Understanding, repeal every shackling Instruction to your Ministers, support them inflexibly against all foreign Influence, and all little spiteful Intrigues."

For my own part, I have been made a Sacrifice to such Intrigues in so gross a manner, that unless I am restored and supported, I am unalterably determined to retire. So resolves your invariable Friend,

J. ADAMS 2

[NOTE.] Paris, 16 April. Delivered to Capt. Adam Hoops of Philadelphia, who was bound to Nantes to embark for America.

I Blanks in the original.

2 Illiberal as this and the following letter now seem to be there was good reason at the time to suspect the attitude and measures of France. It was the cordial relations existing between Franklin and the Court of France that aroused the suspicions of Adams; Lafayette, as a Frenchman of influence at the Court would naturally be placed in the same class. In the light of subsequent events it is recognized that Franklin was on the whole the better interpreter of the French view, but the efforts of Jay and Adams to counter the extreme aims of France in the peace were needed and did conserve the interests of the United States. It is as absurd to believe that Franklin entertained any sentiments hostile to American interests as it is to assume that Adams would intentionally yield one iota of what he considered to be American rights. Both men were earnest patriots, serving their country loyally; but Adams expressed his views freely and frankly and, while he makes history interesting, he suffers by comparison with Franklin's "taciturnity."

JOHN ADAMS TO JAMES WARREN

PARIS, April 16, 1783

DEAR SIR, - It is my duty to unbosom myself to some Friend in Congress upon whose discretion I can rely, and there is none to whom I can do it with more Propriety than to you of whose Patriotism and Friendship I have had so long Experience.

We are at Peace, but not out of Danger. That there have been dangerous Designs against our real Independence, if not against our Union and Confederation, is past a doubt in my mind, and we have cause to fear that such designs may be revived in various shapes. Europe is generally sensible that the United States in half a Century will, if they keep together, give the Tone to the World. This is not a flattering Idea to them, and we may depend upon [it] there will be a succession of vain Politicians who will maneuvere to break Us.

Let me beg of you to look up some old Papers in Mr. Thompson's office, I mean the Contracts entered into with Monsieur de Coudrai and other French officers, the M. de la Fayette among others, by Mr. Deane, and Mr. Deane's Letters. If De Coudrai had been made Major General older than Green, with the command of the whole artillery and all military Manufactures, subject only to the Command of Congress and the Commander in Chief, and if the Marechall M. had been that Commander in Chief as was proposed, what would have been the Situation of our Army and Country! in whose Power should we have been? Pursue the History of our foreign affairs from that time to this and see if all has been right, See if we have not motives enough to think of standing on our own Legs and judging for ourselves.

The Marquis de la Fayette is an amiable Nobleman and has great Merit. I enjoy his Friendship and wish a Continuance of it; But I will conceal nothing from you. I see in that Youth the seeds of Mischief to our Country if we do not take Care.

He was taken early into our Service and placed in an high Command, in which he has behaved well, but he has gained more applause than human nature at twenty-five can bear. It has inkindled in him an unbounded Ambition which it concerns Us much to watch.

The Instructions of Congress to their foreign Ministers to consult with him was very ill judged; it was lowering themselves and their Servants. There is no American Minister who would not have been always ready and willing to consult with him; but to enjoin it and make it a Duty, was an humiliation that would astonish all the World if it was known. Your Ministers will never be respected, never have any Influence, while you depress them in this manner. Every Frenchman of Course who knows it, and enough do know it, will consider your Servants as mere Instruments in their hands. If Dr. Franklin Mr. Jay, Mr. Laurens, Mr. Dana, have occasion for the Advice of the Marquis, it would be wonderfull. It may be said that he is a convenient Go-between. I say for this very Reason it should have been avoided. There ought to be no Go-between. Your Ministers should confer directly with the Ministers of other Powers, and if they choose at any time to make Use of a third Person, they ought to choose him. The Marquis may live these fifty years. Ten years may bring him by the order of Succession to the Command of your Army. You have given him a great deal too much of Popularity in our own Country. He is connected with a Family of vast Influence in France. He rises fast in the French Army. He may be soon in the Ministry. This Mongrel Character of French Patriot and American Patriot cannot exist long, and if hereafter it should be seriously the Politicks of the French Court to break our Union, Imagination cannot conceive a more Proper Instrument for the Purpose than the Marquis. He is now very active, everlastingly busy, ardent to distinguish himself every Way, especially to increase his Merit towards America, aiming as I believe at some Employment from Congress. Pains are taken to give him the Credit of every Thing. believe me it is of infinite Importance that you yourselves and your Servants should have the Reputation of their own Measures and of doing your Service.

I know the Confederation of our States to be a brittle Vessell, I know it will be an object of Jealousy to France. Severe strokes will be aimed at it; if We are not upon our Guard to ward them off, it will be broken and what a scene of Misery to our Country does this Idea open.

Amidst all the Joys of Peace and the glorious Prospect before Us I see in Europe so many Causes of Inquietude that I cannot be longer easy without laying my Thoughts open to a friend. I have freely hinted at the Characters which have given me unutterable Distress, because they have endangered and dishonoured our Country, and I now give you my apprehensions of another.

Our Country is a singular one. It is a Temple of Liberty set open to all the World. If there is anything on Earth worthy of being contended for it is this glorious object. I never had thro my whole Life any other Ambition than to cherish, promote and protect it, and never will have any other for myself nor my children. For this object however I have [endured] as much as any Conqueror ever had; for this I have run as great Risques and made as great Sacrifices as any of the pretended Heroes whose object was Domination and Power, Wealth and Pleasure. For this I have opened to you Characters with Freedom which it is to me personally dangerous to touch, but it is necessary and come what will I will not flinch. These People know me, they know I stand in their Way, and therefore you will hear of insinuations enough darkly circulated, to lessen me at home. I care not. Let me come home and tell my own story your Frd.

J. ADAMS

MERCY WARREN TO JOHN ADAMS

ADAMS MSS.

MILTON, May 4th, 1783

SIR, Did not the stronger motive of friendship excite, I think the Gratitude due from each individual of your Country would be a stimulus sufficient to set the pen in motion. Urged by such Laudable principles an apology for calling aside your Attention from objects of Greater Magnitude is unnecessary. And if I am the Last to Congratulate you on the success of your Negotiations, I will venture to say I am not the Least sensible of their importance. and among the Multitude of your friends you have few who enjoy more pleasure in your Triumph over your Enemies, or in that Firmness, Intrepidity, and Perseverance that at once ob

tained it and secured the Claims of America on a Basis that promisses Wealth and Honor (and if not incompatible) I will add Happiness to posterity.

And do you think now, sir, to retire to sit down Quietly and enjoy the sweets of Domestic life. No. Never, till Weary Nature diminishes your Capacity for acting in the sphere of Dignified Difficulty. you was not made for the purpose of Resting in the cool sequestered shade of life. it is yours to tread the bold and craggy path of politics, to Counteract the Intrigues of statesmen and Princes, to settle the Boundaries of Nations and mark the line of Empire. and what is more difficult to Atchieve, to convince Mankind that probity is the surest Road to Honour.

A people destitute of public or private Virtue cannot be long Happy by the Exertions of a few of the best or Wisest of her Citizens. Yet I believe the Example of one Good Man unawed by threats, uncorrupted by Gold and unmoved by the Machinations, Refinements and Duplicity of systematical Villany, has a Greater tendency to keep alive the Respect due to Real Merit than either judiciary Restraints or the best digested Code of Moral injunction.

I feel myself disposed to Loquacity (Nothing Novel in my pen) but least the subject before me should betray me into some Expressions that might bear the semblance of Flattery, instead of that just mean of applause due to Distinguished Worth, I leave all Panegirick to the Historian and the Poet. And in the simple familiar style of unadorned Friendship, inquire whether the American Minister at the Hague Received several Letters under the signature of Marcia, and if the Cold Phlegmatic Dutchman, more Honest than polite, Delayed a return, surely the influence of a Milder Clime will soften to Condesention, and the Ettiquette of Varsellies and Paris forbid such an affront to a Lady.

Therefore I shall peep as eagerly into the next paket as an inspector to a Plenipo, for a Letter Directed to one who asks not forgiveness for these short interruptions. the little interludes of common Life Give fresh Exhileration to the spirits and fill up the Vacant Moment when the mind is Worn down by the Higher Avocations to Bussiness, or Fatigued by the parade of Courts and the pomp and Glare of Grandeur.