too cleverly defeated in some of his ill Intentions, ever to be our Friend.

It is not easy to explain the Motives of a little Mind, which has no fixed Principle of Action. It is not easy to assign the Reason of his long continued Rancour against our Rights to the Fisheries and the Western Lands- against our obtaining Loans or Subsidies from the King sufficiently noble and ample to have established our Credit, and to have enabled Us to strike an effectual Blow against New York against our having an effectual Assistance of Men of War, and against the Progress of our Negociations in Europe.

He is incapable of any Sentiment so patriotic, as to do all this to keep Us dependent upon France, that She might avail herself of our Weight and our Commerce. He wished to keep Us dependent, that he might have Us in his own Power, that he might have the miserable Gloriole of being the Pacificateur of Europe, of having America, Holland, Spain and France in his Pocket, That he might be made a Grandee of Spain, and obtain a Reputation imposing enough to secure him his Place.

That he has pursued the Design for many Years of manoeuvring Us out of our Fisheries and Western Territories, is past all doubt. Mr. Gerard, who was a faithful Representative of him, betrayed such a Design when he was at Philadelphia. Mr. Marbois, who is, I am very sorry to see, too faithful a Representative of him, has pursued the same Design. Mr. Rayneval,1 who is another of his Images, has held the same Language, and the Comte himself has held it too. His Attack upon me in his Letters to Dr. Franklin, which the Dr. was left to transmit to Congress without informing me, was an Attack upon the Fishery and Western Country. Franklin's Motive was to get my Commission, and Vergennes's Motive was to get it for him. Not that he loved Franklin more than me, but because he knew Franklin would be more obsequious. The Pretence, that I had given Offence, was a mere Fiction. Such an invention they knew would be most likely to intimidate Members of Congress, and carry their Point. I repeat it, it was not true that I had given Offence. To suppose that I had, is to suppose him the most senseless Despot that ever existed. The Secret 1 Joseph Matthias Gérard de Rayneval (1746–1812).

was, that I was known to be too much attached to the Western Countries and the Fisheries, and to be a Man, who would neither be decieved, wheedled, flattered, or intimidated into a Surrender of them. Franklin he knew would let him do as he pleased, and assist him in inventing an Excuse for it.

I cannot account for his Enmity to Us, but by supposing an Affectation of a Reputation of great Foresight. He affected to foresee, that We should suddenly become a great Nation, very rich and powerful so powerful, as to be independent and keep ourselves neutral in a future War. He thought by crippling Us, he could keep Us dependent and oblige Us to join France in a future War against England. He thought too, that by getting America, Holland and Spain wholly into his Power, he could make the Peace as he pleased, and thus oblige every one to acknowledge him as its Guardian, and trumpet his Fame so high, as to make the Nation forget who he was and is, and oblige the King to continue him in Power. But he has been vastly disappointed. And the Truth is, that the American Ministers made the Peace in spight of him, let his hireling Trumpetters say what they will.

It may not however be of any very great Importance to Us, who is the Minister here. Let who will be the Minister, We must be jealous of him, and trust him no farther than We see him. Every humiliating Instruction to your Ministers in Europe must be repealed, and they must see with their own Eyes. We must preserve a good Understanding with France, and the King and the Nation are well disposed to it. But we shall never preserve their Friendship, unless We take Care of their Ministers. We must not send our Army to Capua. We must cherish our Militia in every State, keep ourselves prepared for whatever may happen. This is the Way to preserve and improve the Peace. We can have no Dependance upon England, whose People are still capable of horrid Deeds; if they had the Power. They have no sincere Friendship for the United States, altho' they are willing to acquiesce in the Peace, and avail themselves of our Commerce. They are humbled, in appearance at least, feel their real Situation and have left off their vain Boastings. But there is Cause to suspect, that they are confounded rather than humbled, and that they have

not sincerely repented of their past Conduct. A Correspondent of mine says, They are in a State of political Reprobation — "of Hell or Heaven, of Liberty or Slavery they reck not."

As the Courtiers still entertain their old Malice against Us, it is not probable, that the true Interest of the Nation will be immediately and steadily pursued. But as Shelburne pursued for a long time an oscillating kind of Policy to the Disgrace and Loss of the Nation, it will now require so much time to get rid of old Prejudices in Commercial Matters, that its Rivals will get the Start.

If the Duke of Portland,1 Ld. John Cavendish,2 Mr. Fox, etca. are now in Power, this Administration cannot last long, and I fear they will not understand so well as Shelburne the true System towards America. Administration will fluctuate for some time, and there are terrible Symptoms of bloody Contests, which will drive Multitudes to America, but will weaken and ruin that Island more completely, than it is our Interest, or that of Mankind perhaps, to wish.

The annual Interest of their Debt added to the Expences of Government exceed by several Millions all their Revenues, an horrid Truth which presents the Prospect at least of a partial Bankruptcy; and this alone, without any other Commotion, will drive great Numbers to our Country.

It is our Business to render our Country an Asylum, worthy to receive all who may wish to fly to it. This can only be done, by rendering the Minds of the People really independent. By guarding them against the Introduction of Luxury and Effeminacy, By watching over the Education of Youth, By keeping out Vices and cultivating Virtues, By improving our Militia, and by forming a Navy. These alone can compose a Rock of Defence. Without these, Alliances will be a Snare. With them, We may have what Alliances We please, and none but such as we chuse. With great Esteem and Respect, I have the Honour to be, Sir, your most obedient and most humble Servant

JOHN ADAMS3

I William Henry Cavendish Bentinck, Duke of Portland (1738-1809). 2 (1732-1796). 3 Only the word "confidential" at the opening of this letter, the closing "With great Esteem" etc. and the name of General Warren are in John Adams' handwriting. See note to letter of March 20, 1783.

BENJAMIN LINCOLN TO JAMEs Warren

PHILADELPHIA, April 5, 1783

DEAR SIR, Congress have referred to the several States, the propriety of repealing part of our present confederation, and of establishing new principles, for apportioning the Debts of the United States.

When questions, of such importance as these, are to be agitated, it is no less the duty, than the interest, of every citizen, to offer his own sentiments, on the propositions. I shall therefore, with freedom, and as concisely as possible, offer you mine, agreeably to my promise, made in my letter of the second instant.

The questions, to be considered, are whether that part of the confederation, shall be repealed, which directs, that the expences of the United States, shall be borne by the several States, according to the value of their located lands, and buildings; and whether a new system, shall be substituted, which provides, that the proportion of each State, shall be ascertained, by the number of their white inhabitants, added to three-fifths of their black inhabitants. Did the substitution recommended, include the whole number of souls in each State, and direct them all to be brought into the estimation, I should not hesitate to adopt it, and should consent to the repeal most readily, not because I think the scheme a perfect one, but because, I think it preferable, to the one pointed out by the confederation, and that it is the best we can now obtain.

The only question with me, at present is, whether there shall be a deduction from the numbers in any State, merely because the complexions of part [of] the inhabitants, of some of the States, are different, from those of the inhabitants of others.

The reason why we do not apportion, the public debts, on the several States equally, is because, each State, has not equal abilities, to pay a like sum; this brings us to the necessity, of enquiring into, and of ascertaining, the abilities of the several States, that we may know what proportion, each can pay, so that all the inhabitants, of the United States, shall bear their just proportion of the common burden.

In order, that I may give you my sentiments on the questions,

in as clear a manner as possible, I shall suggest some general principles, which I think will be admitted as true, and that they are the basis on which, a determination of. the present questions,

must rest.

A people may always be estimated rich, when a great proportion of their inhabitants are laborers, for it will not be controverted, that by the hand of the laborer, the State is supported; when from the richness of the soil, and from the clemency of their seasons, a sufficiency, for the support of their inhabitants, is produced, by a small proportion of that labor; When the surplus, affords a valuable and important article for exportation; and when, from the mildness of the climate, little clothing is necessary, and the labors of the summer, are not consumed, by providing subsistence for the winter.

I suppose that it will not be denied, by any, that a people thus circumstanced, will be rich, if they are not wanting to themselves, and that, if the value of such means of wealth, could with exactness be ascertained, we should have good documents, by which, we might form a system, for apportioning the public debts, that would do equal right to all. On this belief I shall ground my present observations on the subject.

I

say all the blacks, in the southern States, should be numbered, and brought into the estimation, Because a greater proportion of them are laborers, than are among the same number of people, in the Northern States. In the southern, there are in these respects, no distinction of sex, the mother with her babe is as many hours in the field, and has an equal task assigned her, with her husband, and if she, being thus incumbred, is unable to perform it, he is obliged to compleat it, in addition to his own. Because from the nature and richness of the soil, which is easy of culture, the same quantity of labor, for the support of an individual, is not necessary in the Southern States, as in the northern, where the soil is stiff, the lands stoney, and are with difficulty cultivated. Because in the southern States, they have a large surplus of beef and pork, which make a very valuable article of exportation. To obtain this they are at little or no expence, for their cattle and swine roam at large and from the growths of the forests, (such being the tempera