Montefquieu, in a warm panegyric on the English conflitution, has overlooked one particular, in which it is fuperior to every other monarchy; and that is, the frequent opportunities it affords to exert mental powers and talents. What agitation among the candidates, and their electors, on the approach of a new parliament: what freedom of fpeech and cloquence in parliament minifters and their measures laid open to the world, the nation kept alive, and infpired with a vigour of mind that tends to heroifm! This government, it is true, generates factions, which sometimes generate revolutions: but the golden age, fo lusciously defcribed by poets, would to man be worfe than an iron age. At any rate, better to have a government liable to on ali fides with powerful monarchs, obliges him to act with the greatest circumfpection; which circumftance feems to have formed the character of the princes of that houfe. Thefe princes have exerted more fagacity in fteering their political veffel, and more dexterity in availing themselves of every wind, than any other race of fovereigns that figure in hiftory; Robertfon's Hiflory of the Emperor Charles V. ftorms, ftorms, than to feek for quiet in the dead On n'entend parler dans les auteurs que des divifions qui perdirent Rome; mais on ne voit pas que ces divifions y étoient néceffaires, qu'elles y avoient toujours été, et qu'elles y devoient toujours être. Ce fut uniquement la grandeur de la republique qui fit le mal, et qui changea en guerres civiles les tumultes populaires. Il falloit bien qu'il y eut à Rome des divifions et ces guerriers fi fiers, fi audacieux, fi terribles au dehors, ne pouvoient pas être bien modérés au dedans. Demander dans un état libre des gens hardis dans la guerre, et timides dans la paix, c'est vouloir des chofes impoffibles et pour regle générale, toutes les fois qu'on verra tout le monde tranquille dans un état qui fe donne le nom de republique, on peut être affuré que la liberté n'y eft pas; Montefquieu, graudeur des Romains, ch. 9. [In English thus: "Many writers. "have faid a great deal on those factions which de"ftroyed Rome; but they want the penetration to fee, "that thofe factions were neceffary, that they had al"ways fubfifted, and ever must have subfifted. It was "the grandeur of the ftate which alone occafioned "the evil, and changed into civil wars the tumults of "the people. There muft of neceffity have been fac"tions in Rome; for, how was it poffible, that those "who abroad fubdued all by their undaunted bravery, and by the terror of their arms, fhould live in peace " and moderation at home? To look for a people, in "a free ftate, who are intrepid in war, and, at the fame time, timid in peace, is to look for an impoffi "bility; and we may hold it as a general rule, that, " in Law-fuits within a ftate, like war between different ftates, accuftom people to oppofition, and prevent two great softness and facility of manners. In a free government, a degree of stubbornness in the people is requifite for refifting encroachments on their liberties. The fondness of the French for their fovereign, and the eafinefs and politenefs of their manners, have corrupted a good conftitution. The British conftitution has been preferved entire, by a people jealous of their prince, and refolute against every encroachment of regal power. There is another advantage of war, that ought not to be overlooked, though not capital. It ferves to drain the country of idlers, few of whom are innocent, and In the many not a little mifchievous. years 1759 and 1760, when we were at war with France, there were but twentynine criminals condemned at the Old Bailey. In the years 1770 and 1771, when we were at peace with all the world, the in a ftate which profeffes a republican form of government, if the people are quiet and peaceable, there is no real liberty."] criminals A criminals condemned there amounted to one hundred and fifty-one. But, though I declare against perpetual peace, perpetual war is ftill more my averfion. The condition of Europe was deplorable in the dark ages, when vaffals affumed the privilege of waging war without confent of the fovereign. Deadly feuds prevailed univerfally, and threatened diffolution of all government: the human race never were in a more woful condition. But anarchy never fails, foon or late, to rectify itself, which effeminacy produced by long peace never does. Revenge and cruelty, it is true, are the fruits of war but fo are likewife firmnefs of mind, and undaunted courage; which are exerted with better will in behalf of virtue than of revenge. The crufades were what first gave a turn to the fierce manners of our ancestors. A religious enterprife, uniting numbers formerly at variance, enlarged the sphere of focial affection, and sweetened the manners of Chriftians to one another. Thefe crufades filled Europe with heroes, who, at home, were ready for new enterprise that promifed laurels. Mo any ved ved with the horror of deadly feuds, they joined in bonds of chivalry for fuccouring the diftreffed, for redreffing wrongs, and for protecting widows and orphans. Such heroifm inflamed every one who was fond of glory and warlike atchievements chivalry was relished by men of birth; and even kings were proud to be of the order. An inftitution, blending together valour, religion, and gallantry, was wonderfully agreeable to a martial people; and humanity and gentleness could not but prevail in a fociety, whofe profeffion it was to fuccour every perfon in diftrefs. As glory and honour were the only wished-for recompenfe, chivalry was esteemed the fchool of honour, of truth, and of fidelity. Thus, truth without difguife, and a fcrupulous adherence to promifes, became the diftinguishing virtues of a gentleman. It is true, that the enthusiasm of protecting widows and orphans, degenerated fometimes into extravagance; witnefs knights who wandered about in queft of adventures. But it would be unfair to condemn the whole order, because a few of their number were extravagant. The true fpirit of chivalry produced |