admirall hath bene shrewdly visited with a pestilential fever, whereof about 60 have bene sicke and twelve dead thereof, but they are now most of them recovered.

determined to seek an abode in some other part of the New World. Long accustomed to meet with the deference and respect usually paid to persons in high station, he must have been greatly annoyed by the bold intrusion and reckless conduct of the officers and crews of English fishing-vessels that came out for the season, who habitually committed wasteful depredations in the gardens, farms, and forests, destroyed the stages for drying fish, and choked the harbors with stone ballast. The neighboring waters, also, were infested with French cruisers, under De la Rade, who captured all the English vessels he could' overhaul, and drove the rest from the fishing-grounds. Although Lord Baltimore gallantly attacked De la Rade, recaptured all the English vessels, with sixty-seven Frenchmen in them, and made prize of six or seven French vessels, yet he felt his position insecure, and besought the king and the Lord-High-Admiral, Buckingham, to send out, at least, two men-of-war to guard the coast, for the protection, not only of his own company, but of five thousand other British subjects. Two days before the date of his letters, Buckingham had fallen under the knife of Felton. This sad event filled him with sorrow for the loss of a sincere friend, and increased his despondency, as it left him much less hope of obtaining the naval protection asked for. All that was finally granted him, was a loan, for one year, of the St. Claude, one of his own prize vessels. At the same time, according to report, the French had a force of twenty sail, mainly destined for that region; while the number of English vessels fishing off Newfoundland, which, even in 1615, was two hundred and fifty, with five thousand seamen, was now reduced to forty. In 1626, Devonshire alone was said to have sent annually one hundred and fifty ships; and the total number of seamen sent from all parts of Great Britain to Newfoundland, amounted to eight thousand persons. (I. Birch, Charles, p. 242; Whitbourne's Newfoundland, pp. 10, 19, 20, 56-58; Colonial Papers, p. 93, vol: iv. § 56; p. 95, § 62; p. 96, vol. v. § 3; Vaughan's Golden Fleece, 3d part, pp. 14, 35.)

But one of Lord Baltimore's most discouraging difficulties arose from his own change of religion. While he remained a Protestant, and up to the time of his arrival, in 1627, the colony had been peopled with Protestants. He then brought with him two seminary priests, Longvill and Anthony Smith; and the mass and the forms and ceremonies of the Church of Rome were, for the first time, introduced into the little Protestant community. This was naturally regarded with disfavor, both by the residents of Ferryland, and the rest of the English in or about the island. It was openly denounced. The leading malcontent, Erasmus Stourton, chaplain of the Earl of Anglesea, and whom Lord Baltimore called an audacious man, was banished the colony for his misdeeds. Lord Baltimore, on the other hand, as naturally cherished the hope of worshipping freely in his own way, and of making his colony, eventually, a Catholic community; or, at least, one in which the Catholic element should predominate. To this end, he returned again to England with Longvill; and, in his stead, brought out Hacket, another seminary priest, with forty papists. For this timely succor to his little church militant, he was indebted to the influence and active co-operation of his zealous friend, Sir Tobias Matthew. (Colonial Papers, p. 94, vol. iv. § 59; p. 101, vol. v. § 27; Whitbourne's Newfoundland, pp. 3, 5, 67, 71.)

The severity of the following winter, 1628-9, was so extreme, that he and fifty more, out of the one hundred persons of his company, were prostrated by disease, and nine or ten died. Disheartened by this calamity, in the following August he communicated the particulars to the king, and assured him that he could no longer resist the difficulties of the place, but was forced to shift to some warmer climate of the New World, where the winters were shorter and less rigorous. His own strength, he added, was much decayed, but his " own inclination, carrying him naturally to proceedings in plantations, he desired a grant of some precinct in Virginia, with such privileges as King James had granted him in Newfoundland." Three months after, the king replied, urging him very kindly to desist from the further prosecution of his designs, as involving too much hardship for men of his condition and

As soone as we were now come to an anchor, we descried a small barke coming out from Point Comfort, which bare with us and a bout half an howr after, we came to an an

habits of life, and "to return to his native country, where he should enjoy such respects as his former services and late endeavors justly deserved." (Colonial Papers, p. 101; vol. v. §§ 27, 39, 40.)

In the mean time, Lord Baltimore had proceeded to Virginia, and arrived at Jamestown, where the assembly was in session. He made known his wishes to Governor Pott and the council. The oaths of allegiance and supremacy were tendered to his lordship, and some of his followers.. Declining to take the oath of supremacy, he was desired to quit the colony by the earliest opportunity. Finding his reception cold, and his stay unwelcome, he bent his course along the shores of the Chesapeake, of which Lady Baltimore, the year before, in an excursion to Virginia, had gained some knowledge. He was so well satisfied with the aspect of the country, and the mildness of its climate, that, under the liberty of choice which King Charles had already given him, he decided to designate as the site of his future residence, and the subject of his patent, the territory which now forms the State of Maryland. On his return to England he did not surrender his patent for Avalon; but, in 1637, it was superseded by a grant of all Newfoundland to Sir David Kirke; and Cecil, Lord Baltimore was dispossessed of it until the year 1660, when, by the king's (Charles II.) warrant, Sir Louis Kirke, John Kirke, and others, were required to restore the land and houses in Avalon, belonging to him by virtue of the patent granted to his father. The king, however, was ready to fulfil all his engagements respecting the grant of Maryland; but owing, possibly, to remonstrances from Virginia, Lord Baltimore's ill health, questions as to the extent and boundaries of the territory, or some other obstacles not accounted for, the letters-patent had not passed the seal, when this wise and most estimable nobleman died, in April, 1632. On the 20th of June following, the patent was issued to Lord Cecil Baltimore, his son and heir. He had accompanied his step-mother to Virginia; and it is an act of justice to Lady Baltimore to remark, that the judgment and intrepid enterprise which led her, in the midst of a French war, to venture upon an excursion to Virginia in search of a new residence, contributed essentially to the subsequent visit of her husband, in which she also accompanied him, to his selection, and the final establishment of Maryland as the site of the new colony. In her year's residence in Newfoundland, she had experienced enough of the physical and social privations and discomforts of colonial life in that place, to make her eager to quit it, with her husband and family, at once and for ever. (Colonial Papers, p. 95; vol. iv. § 62, p. 101; vol. v. § 40, pp. 151, 152; §§ 56, 57, 58, p. 260; vol. ix. § 76, pp. 481, 482; vol. xiv. § 9; II. Birch, James, p. 326; II. Birch, Charles, pp. 53, 54.)

Previously to the severe winter of 1628-9, which so materially impaired the health of Lord Baltimore, the king had given him leave to choose some part of the Virginia territory, and he had consequently, in a memorial to Lord Dorchester, the Secretary of State, prayed that a grant might accordingly be made to him. In the interval between his return from Virginia in 1680, and the time of his death, in 1632, his physical debility made him greatly dependent on the assistance of others, first in settling upon the precise character, extent, and details of the grant, and, afterwards, in securing for it the approval of the members of Plantation Committee and the Privy Council. For all these things, he could have no more able, zealous, or indefatigable coadjutor, than his friend Sir Tobias Matthew. Except in regard to the permanent family property in the soil, and the absolute civil authority secured to Lord Baltimore, they were both acting in concert and pursuing one common purpose, that of establishing a firm foothold for the Catholic religion in two adjoining colonies, which would be likely to support and protect each other, and to counterbalance the growing Protestant influence of the more northern portions of the New World, which had recently been abundantly and exclusively favored by the council for New England. Of the value of Matthew's co-operation in such an undertaking, some estimate may be formed even from the account, or caricature, given of him eight or ten years later by Habernfield, in the

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chor cloase aboard our Vice Admirall. We thought she had bene some vessel bound from Virginia to New England, whither the Inhabitants of Virginia drive a great

papers communicated to Archbishop Laud in October, 1640, by Sir William Boswell, English resident at the Hague. He is there represented as "a most vigilant man of the chief heads" (of the alleged plot for the assassination of the king, Laud, and others), occupied 26 day and night in his machinations; " never sleeping in a bed, "but an hour or two only in a chair; never quiet, but always in action; thrusting himself into all conversations of superiors, and urging conferences familiarly to fish out the minds of men;" habitually communicating to the Pope's legate whatever he had observed, that might "bring either commodity or discommodity to the conspirators" and to the Pope or Cardinal Barbarini (styled protector of England) the more secret things. "Whatever he has fished out," adds Habernfield, "he reduceth into a catalogue, and every summer carrieth, or conveyeth it to the general consistory of the Jesuits, which meets secretly in Wales; where he is an acceptable guest. There counsels are secretly hammered for the convulsion of the ecclesiastical and political state of both kingdoms." (Colonial Papers, p. 95, vol. iv. § 62; III. Rushworth, p. 1321.)

That Lord Baltimore and Sir Tobias Matthew were acting in concert in preparing a stronghold for the Romish faith in America, was a natural consequence of their peculiar spiritual relations. It has already been mentioned that the first convincing indication of his lordship's conversion, was his excursion to the north of England with Sir Tobias. Bishop Goodman, however, after vindicating the Earl of Middlesex and Sir John Digby from an aspersion in circulation that they had been bribed by Spain to favor the Spanish match, proceeds to say that "the third man, who was thought to gain by the Spaniards, was Secretary Calvert; and, as he was the only secretary employed in the Spanish match, so undoubtedly he did what good offices he could therein for religion's sake, being infinitely addicted to the Roman Catholic faith, having been converted thereto by Count Gondomar and Count Arundel, whose daughter Secretary Calvert's son had married. And as it was said the Secretary did usually catechize his own children, so to ground them in his own religion; and in his best room, having an altar set up with chalice, candlesticks, and other ornaments, he brought all strangers thither, never concealing any thing, as if his whole joy and comfort had been to make an open profession of his religion. (I. Goodman's James I. p. 376.)

This statement of the good bishop we cannot admit as entirely accurate, nor resist a suspicion that, by the loss of papers which elsewhere he laments, he was left, in after years when his book was written, without a guide as to dates, the order of events, and the relation they bore to each other. Chamberlain, whose letters were written at the moment things occurred, and whose experience and constant activity in the busy world had made him one of the truest and best-informed intelligencers of the time, recounts incidents that are wholly irreconcilable with the right reverend prelate's speculative construction of Sir George Calvert's motives and conduct. From the data contained in the letters referred to, it is evident that Sir George became a convert to his new faith in the summer of 1620, when he 'drooped and kept out of the way." Within three months after he had made up his mind to resign the secretaryship, which he could not honestly or legally continue to hold, while as a Catholic he was bound to deny the king's supremacy. He accordingly, in a private interview, apprised the king of his change of religion, and urged it as an insuperable disqualification for office. The king was loath to part with an old and faithful servant, to whom he was much attached; and, though he reluctantly consented to his resignation of the secretaryship, insisted on his remaining in the Privy Council, as he did for the few remaining months of James's life. Several of the great personages about the king, being almost necessarily made acquainted with the circumstances, vague rumors were soon after in circulation, and suspicions expressed, that Sir George Calvert had turned Catholic. But nothing approaching to certainty was ascertained until, near the end of February, 1625, a few days

trade for Indian Corne. I sent my Leiutenant aboard her to enquire, whence she was and whither she was bound, and withall to learne what he could, both concerning the

after he had delivered the seals of office to his successor, Sir Albert Morton, Sir George went, with Sir Tobias Matthew, to the north of England. This, says Chamberlain, "confirms the opinion that he is a bird of the same feather." The purpose of this excursion probably was to obtain for Sir George a regular admission into the Catholic Church, according to its rites and ceremonies, at some one of the secret establishments of the Jesuits, which then existed in the northern counties. (II. Birch, James, p. 501; Oliver's Eng. Jesuits, p. vii.)

But, according to Bishop Goodman, Sir George had been a Catholic for years before this period, that is, from the time 1620 and 1621, when De Buisson and Cadenet successively proposed for Charles the hand of a French princess, and Spain was attempting by bribery, as was rumored, to induce Sir George and others in high station to favor the Spanish match. But if Sir George had been in the habit at that period, "of catechizing his children to ground them in the Catholic faith; of making a display, in his best room, of Catholic altars," &c.; never concealing any thing, but, on the contrary, taking the greatest pleasure in making "an open profession of his religion," the English community could not possibly have remained for four years in ignorance of these facts. His children would have told all to their companions and school-mates, and his visitors would have no reason for concealing what Sir George was delighted to publish to the world. The things asserted might be true some years after, but they were not true then.

The Bishop intimates that the Earl of Arundel took part in the conversion of Sir George for family reasons. He says that the son of Sir George had married the Earl's daughter. This is a palpable anachronism. Ann Arundel, who afterwards became the wife of Cecil Calvert, at the period in question was hardly five years old, if the inscription on her tomb at Tisbury, in Wiltshire, tells the truth. Not only, therefore, had the Earl, at that time, no special reason for helping to convert the father of his future son-in-law, but, according to Clarendon, he was thought to be not much concerned for religion or religious parties, and had neither a desire nor the fitting knowledge and capacity for making proselytes. (VII. Collins's Peerage, p. 47; I. Clarendon, p. 56.)

As to Gondomar, whom the bishop names as the pious ally of the earl in this work of conversion, he was, no doubt, eminently qualified to secure all possible political advantages for the Catholic cause, but to make converts to the Catholic religion, we doubt if he had either aptitude, adequate theological knowledge, or sufficient leisure or inclination, although he might, and perhaps did, set others to do it. Besides, at the date of Lord Baltimore's actual conversion, Gondomar had not, for the two years previous, been in England. It was the fashion of the day to lay almost every thing blamable at the door of Gondomar, and the good bishop appears to have been led into error by carelessly following the popular impulse. (II. Goodman, pp. 238-240; Dom. St. Papers, 1622, vol. 130, § 68.)

If Sir George Calvert's conversion is to be ascribed to any one, all circumstances now known point to Sir Tobias Matthew rather than to any other individual. Their familiar acquaintance, dating back as far, at least, as to their college life, kept up when Calvert became private secretary to Cecil, the Secretary of State and cousin of Matthew's best friend, Bacon, finally ripened into friendship when they were brought into frequent conference and joint labors for a purpose of great interest to both, the promotion of the Spanish match. This increased intimacy gave room for religious discussions; and, as it was Matthew's passion and special vocation to make converts, he would be sure to leave no means untried to gain over to his own faith a person, so honored and esteemed, as his friend the Secretary. This was accomplished: Sir George became not only a Catholic, but a Catholic of Matthew's own brotherhood, a Jesuit; and so, of course, became his son and heir after him. The reverend fathers, sent out by the latter to Maryland, were all Jesuits, and by them the infant colony was piously placed under the protection of its patron-saint, Ignatius Loyola,

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state of Virginia and Maryland, which is my Lord of Baltimore's Collony; as likewise, on what tearmes those two Collonys were, and what correspondence, they had one

the founder of the order of Jesuits. It was much the same in the sister enterprise. Captain Yong, and his lieutenant and nephew, who had been selected by Matthew and his unknown associates to conduct it, were probably preferred for the reason that they were Jesuits. They certainly were Catholics, and, as such, to avoid being stopped at the port of embarkation, procured through Secretary Windebanke, on the 18th of April, 1634, the king's letter, declaring that, being employed in His Majesty's secret and particular service, they were authorized to leave the kingdom without being subjected to the usual examination or any questions. At various times respect was expressly required to be paid, both in Virginia and England, to the terms of this license in reference to Lieutenant Evelin. The subsequent proceedings of Yong were apparently carried on in concert with those of Maryland. Lord Baltimore's first emigrant ship did not leave England until two months after Yong had succeeded in obtaining his commission; and Yong's own vessels arrived in Virginia within four months after Lord Baltimore's people reached Maryland. (IV. Force's Tracts, White's Relation, pp. 8, 18; McSherry, p. 29; Colonial Papers, p. 171, vol. vi. §§ 82, 84, 86; p. 177, vol. viii. §§ 1, 8, 9, 10; p. 208, Id. § 62; p. 244, vol. ix. §§ 36, 37.)

name.

The enterprise in which Yong was engaged was a preliminary experiment. He was its pioneer and subordinate agent, with certain privileges, but only with such delegated powers as the preservation of order and security, and the creation and prosecution of trade, demanded. He had no authority to take possession of the territory except in the king's If he had effected a permanent settlement, the next step would obviously have been a proprietary charter, granting to some favorite Catholic or Catholics of the day, an inheritable property in the soil, with the powers and attributes of civil government, as had been done in the case of Maryland; and, fifty years later, was done in favor of William Penn. But the enterprise had probably been abandoned shortly before Robert Evelin, in the autumn of 1636, went to reside in Virginia. In the beginning of the ensuing year, his name, as chosen by the Governor and Secretary, for surveyor of Virginia, in place of Gabriel Hawley, deceased, was on the list, in Secretary Windebanke's office, for the king's confirmation. From a brief note, in the same office, of Councillors of State for Virginia, it appears that Robert Evelin, Captain Christopher Wormeley, Richard Townsend, and John Sysbye, were the persons named for the king's approval, and "to be sworn forthwith of his Council, and Evelin to continue to enjoy the favors" (exemption from question as to his religious tenets) granted to him by the king's letters on his first embarkation for America. These appointments, though not mentioned in Virginia records or histories, were duly confirmed. In the close of his letter to Lady Plowden, the wife of Sir Edmund, the patentee of New Albion, which was published four years later, in 1641, he expresses his "hope to visit her in New Albion, and to do her all the good offices in Virginia that his place or friends could serve her in." Sir Edmund was then preparing to embark for his colony. Evelin's tract containing the letter was intended to encourage others to join him. Its title may be briefly sketched as "Directions for Adventurers, and a true Description of New Albion in North Virginia, in a letter from Mayster Robert Eveline, &c." It is one of the rarest of books. It was reprinted as part of Plantagenet's New Albion, in 1648. Streeter, in his admirable tract "The First commander of Kent Island," in a note at the end mentions Robert as the brother of George Evelin, and that he is said to have died in the West Indies; but as he had not access to sources of information recently laid open, the account he gives of Evelin, after he left his uncle Yong's expedition, is defective, and in some respects erroneous. Robert Evelin's competency for the office of surveyor may be inferred from the fact that Captain Powel's Map of New England was made up, in one part, from a draught by Evelin of his own survey. His predecessor in office, Gabriel Hawley, was a friend of Lord Baltimore, and by him employed, in 1633, to provide lodgings for the men and women about to embark for Maryland; but, failing to pay the expense incurred, £60