espie many errours & imperfections, and matters of lowe esteeme; yet withall you wilbe contente to observe the

true, it might easily and ought to have been proved by the declaration of Sir George himself. But in the declaration of the 7th of May, 1623, drawn up by four of the company, it is only said, "vehemently to be presumed;" and this insinuation was made when, from his long absence, Pory might be supposed to have been lost at sea. Besides, there was, at that season of the year, no necessity for retarding the Governor's ship: a ship from Plymouth would be sure to outstrip one from London. (Smith's Va. p. 221.)

Stith also asserts (pp. 145, 153), that the "Treasurer," in 1618, was sent out to cruise against the Spaniards by the Earl of Warwick: but the circumstances show that she was sent out by Lord De la Warre, about the time of his own departure from England, to await his arrival in Virginia, the seat of his government; and, if his lordship had lived to arrive, Argall would have no power to execute the orders of any one but the Governorgeneral, who was sent out to supersede him. If she was revictualled and remanned at Jamestown, it was a thing for which he was not responsible, and which he, if then a partowner, could not avoid without incurring a heavy pecuniary responsibility to the other joint-owners. Besides, why should she not be victualled as well as the "Neptune" after a five months' voyage? Much provision could not have been necessary for the short trip to Bermuda, much less than for the "Neptune's" return voyage to England. If she took away men from the colony, it should be remembered that she left there forty passengers, beside her old crew. (Ibid., p. 124.)

The surmise, expressed by Pory, that the visit of the "Treasurer" would provoke hostile attempts on the colony by Spain, would probably not have been uttered, had he been as familiar with the correspondence of the English representatives at the Court of Madrid as he was with the current diplomacy at most other courts in Europe. Spain regarded Virginia as an intrusive and dangerous neighbor to her possessions in the New World; but, beyond strong and menacing remonstrances, and an occasional significant display of naval preparations, she never proceeded; as, indeed, the English representatives at the Court of Madrid - Cottington, and Sir John Digby, afterwards Earl of Bristol-constantly assured their government she would not.

As soon as it was known that Virginia had suffered from famine, and was maintained, or at least aided, by lotteries, the Spanish Court readily abandoned all show of active measures, in the expectation that the colony would fall of itself.

John Moore, who was employed in the foreign office, and afterwards private secretary to Sir Ralph Winwood, when principal Secretary of State, wrote to the latter in November, 1811,- - a period much more critical than 1619,- "There are some fears among the weaker sort, of some foreign attempts on Virginia and Ireland, but the state doth not apprehend it, as appears by Lord Carew's cashiering one half of all the Irish forces. Neither is there care taken to supply Sir Thomas Dale with the 2000 men whom he demandeth. Neither is it likely indeed that the King of Spain will break so profitable a peace for that which may cost him dear the getting, and much dearer the keeping." (III. Winwood Mem. p. 309.)

In 1619, the thirty years' war made the Spanish Court more desirous to conciliate England than to irritate her. Soon after, the project of marriage between Prince Charles and the Infanta, sister of Philip IV., was set on foot by Olivares, who proposed, as one of the conditions, that King James should surrender to the King of Spain Virginia and the Bermudas, and altogether quit the West Indies. The sinister influence of Gondomar, whom the English called "Gundamore" (Perf. Description of Virginia, p. 50), and the prospect of an immense dowry with the Infanta, would no doubt have gained James's consent to this sacrifice, if the marriage had taken place. His war against the Virginia company originated in these mercenary views. (II. Birch, James, p. 302.)

Eighteen months later, in the beginning of 1620, the "Treasurer" being found "starke rotten and unserviceable," the Governor of Bermuda, Nathaniel Butler, took out her nine guns, and placed them in the forts there. (Smith's Va. p. 191.)

very principle and rudiments of our Infant-Commonwealth; which though nowe contemptible, your worship may live to see a flourishing Estate: maugre both Spaniards & Indians. The occasion of this ship's coming hither was an accidental consortship in the West Indies with the Tresurer, an English man of warre also, licensed by a Commission from the Duke of Savoye to take Spaniards as lawfull prize. This ship, the Treasurer, wente out of England in Aprill was twelvemoneth, about a moneth, I thinke, before any peace was concluded between the king of Spaine & that prince. Hither shee came to Captaine Argall, then governour of this Colony, being parte-owner of her. Hee more for love of gaine, the root of all evill, then for any true love he bore to this Plantation, victualled & manned her anewe, and sent her with the same Commission to raunge the Indies. The evente thereof (we may misdoubte) will prove some attempte of the Spaniard upon us, either by waye of revenge, or by way of prevention ; least we might in time make this place sedem belli against the West Indies. But our Governour being a Soldier truly bred in that university of warre, the Lowe Countries, purposeth at a place or two upon the river fortifiable to provide for them, animating in the meane while this warlike people (then whom for their small number no prince can be served with better) by his example to prepare their courages.

Both those of our nation and the Indians also have this Torride sommer bene visited with great sickness & mortality; which our good God (his name be blessed for it) hath recompensed with a marvelous plenty, suche as hath not bene since our first coming into the lande. For my selfe I was partly at land & partly at sea vexed with a calenture of some 4 or 5 moneths. But (praised be God) I am nowe as healthfull as ever I was in my life. Here (as your lordship cannot be ignorant) I am, for faulte of a better, Secretary of Estate, the first that ever was chosen

and appointed by Commission from the Counsell and Company in England, under their handes & comon seale. By my fees I must maintaine my selfe; which the Governour telles me, may this yeare amounte to a matter of 300Z sterling; whereof fifty I doe owe to himselfe, and I pray God the remainder may amounte to a hundred more. As yet I have gotten nothing, save onely (if I may speak it without boasting) a general reputation of integrity, for having spoken freely to all matters, according to my conscience; and as neare as I could discerne, done every man right.

As touching the quality of this country, three thinges there bee which in fewe yeares may bring this Colony to perfection; the English plough, Vineyards, & Cattle. For the first, there be many grounds here cleared by the Indians to our handes, which being much worne out, will beare no more of their corne, which requireth an extrordinary deale of sappe & substance to nourish it; but of our graine of all sortes it will beare great abundance. We have had this yeare a plentifull cropp of English wheat, though the last harvest 1618 was onely shed upon the stubble, and so selfe-sowne, with out any other manurance. In July last so soon as we had reaped this selfe-sowen wheate, we sett Indian corne upon the same grounde, which is come up in great abundance; and so by this meanes we are to enjoye two crops in one yeare* from off

*The fact of two crops in one year, Stith (pp. 161, 162) considers so liable to question, that, leaving it to the reader's option to believe it or not, he says "he would not have related it, had be not found it authentically recorded in the Company journals, that they had been informed by letters from Virginia, that they had had two harvests of wheat, the first being shaken by the wind, and so producing a second; and their ground was so extraordinary fat and good, that they planted Indian corn upon the stubble, and had an excellent crop of that. But," he adds, "it must be remembered that rare-ripe corn was the corn of those times, and that they usually had two crops of it in a year."

If he had looked into the Company's journals for the answer of the General Assembly of 1624 to the fourth proposition of the king's commissioners, he would have found that the whole Assembly believed in the production of two successive crops of English wheat in one season from the same spot of ground.

Williams, in his "Virginia Truly Valued" (p. 3, ed. 1650), mentions a double harvest of winter wheat in June, and barley in September.

one & the same fielde. The greattest labour we have yet bestowed upon English wheate, hath bene upon newe broken up groundes, one ploughing onely & one harrowing, far shorte of the Tilthe used in Christendome, which when we shall have ability enough to performe, we shall produce miracles out of this earthe. Vines here are in suche abundance, as where soever a man treads, they are ready to embrace his foote. I have tasted here of a great black grape as big as a Damascin, that hath a true Muscatell-taste; the vine whereof now spending itselfe to the topps of high trees, if it were reduced into a vineyard, and there domesticated, would yield incomparable fruite. The like or a better taste have I founde in a lesser sorte of black grapes. White grapes also of great excellency I have hearde to be in the country; but they are very rare, nor did I ever see or taste of them. For cattle, they do mightily increase here, both kine, hogges & goates, and are much greater in stature, then the race of them first brought out of England. No lesse are our horses and mares likely to multiply, which proove of a delicate shape, & of as good spirite & metall. All our riches for the present doe consiste in Tobacco,* wherein one man by his owne labour hath in one yeare raised to himselfe to the value of 2007 sterling; and another by the meanes of sixe

* Tobacco was so much the regular currency of the colony, that the General Assembly of 1619 petitioned the Treasurer, Council, and Company, in London, that money should not be exacted of them for the Company rents, as they had none at all, nor any mint, but only value in commodities. The value was fixed first in Argall's time, and secondly by the Assembly of 1619, at three shillings the pound weight for the best, and eighteen pence for the second sort. At that rate, it was exchanged for articles brought by the Magazine ship; the importer being allowed twenty-five per cent profit on his goods. It was often at first sold in London at eight or ten shillings the pound; but only the Company, licensed traders, and wealthy land-owners, could dispose of their tobacco in London or elsewhere, so as to derive any benefit from high prices. Even the favored monopolists at times found their profits nearly annihilated by the admission of Spanish tobacco and the heavy duties exacted by the king. These oppressive measures hastened the impeachment of Cranfield, Earl of Middlesex. In 1624, Sir Edwin Sandys, whose re-election as treasurer of the Virginia Company had been forbidden by the king, seconded the charge against Lord Middlesex brought forward by Lord Coke. (Parl. Hist. VI. p. 149.)

On the 26th of June, 1636, Governor Harvey proposed sending to Virginia farthing tokens to remedy the scarcity of money. (Am. and W.I. State Papers.)

servants hath cleared at one crop a thousand pound English. These be true, yet indeed rare examples, yet possible to be done by others. Our principall wealth (I should have said) consisteth in servants:* but they are chardgeable to be furnished with armes, apparell & bedding, & for

* The value of a servant's annual labor, depending chiefly on the market-value in London of the great staple, tobacco, was probably higher at this than at any later period. Governor Yeardley, three years before, had drawn the whole colony into the cultivation of the plant. In the London market, its price was then eight or ten shillings the pound, and the gain as yet was not diminished by the exactions of the Crown, or of its favored contractors and farmers of the customs. In 1623, Smith (Va. p. 165) stated to the royal commissioners, that "a man's labor a year in tobacco was valued at fifty or sixty pounds, but in corn not ten pounds." In the same year, laborers were let on hire for a year, at one hundred pounds of tobacco, and three barrels or fifteen bushels of corn. (Wyatt's letter to Farrar.) In a petition, of nearly the same date, to the king, Francis West and others said, that, "after the freight and king's taxes were deducted, tobacco was of no value," except, of course, as currency in the colony. Hence the profit on the servant hired out would not exceed seventeen pounds per annum.

In 1617, Lord De la Warre for one hundred pounds paid, engaged to transport to Virginia seven able men belonging to Lord Zouch, to subsist them there, and to return to Lord Zouch or his assigns, one full third of the profit of their labor, until, by the custom of the country, they became freemen, after which, such rent for their lives as they could bear.

By the laws of the General Assembly of 1619, which, though not formally confirmed in England, were practically adopted in Virginia, contracts made in England between land-owners and servants, or tenants, were to be enforced by the Governor and Council. Servants engaged in England, but staying behind, and afterwards coming out, under engagement to another master, were required to serve out, first, the term with the person who brought him to Virginia, and afterwards the term agreed on with the former master. Servants were forbidden to trade with the Indians: the penalty was whipping, unless the master chose to pay a fine of one angel.

Female servants could not marry without the consent, either of the parents, or of the master or mistress, or of both the magistrate and the minister of the place. Ministers marrying persons without such consent were subject to the censure of the Governor and Council.

Servants were bought and sold. Smith decries, as odious and destructive to the colony, the practice of the Company and private persons in selling servants" for forty, fifty, or threescore pounds, whom the Company hath sent out at ten pounds at most, without regard as to how they shall be maintained with apparel, meat, drink, and lodging." (Smith's Va. p. 166.)

The case of Thomas Garnett, who was arraigned before this Assembly at the instance of William Powell, his master, furnishes a sample of the extreme severity with which servants were punished in those days. His main offence probably was that he had petitioned the Governor against his master; charging him, as the latter construed it, with drunkenness and theft. To this offence was added, by way of aggravation, neglect of his master's work, and a rather ambiguous, indefinite statement of wantonness with a widow servant of Powell. Garnett had called on his fellow-servants to testify in his behalf; but, as the report only says, in loose terms, they justly failed him, it is quite as possible that they were deterred by fear from testifying to the truth, or attending the trial at all, as that they did appear, and give evidence in their master's favor. Governor Yeardley himself gave the sentence, that Garnett should stand four successive days with his ears nailed to the pillory, and, on every one of those four days, should be publicly whipped.