poses. The English captives were, ultimately, all restored; and the peace and consequent prosperity of the colony more firmly than ever before secured, even beyond the life of Powhatan. A more signal service to the colony was never rendered by any individual in Virginia; but Argall strove to make it more complete by creating additional means of transport and communication by water between the different parts of the country. Hamor (p. 19) says, "I pass by the benefit of peace by means of his captive, Pocahontas, and will only name the commodity by his means done to us, by repairing our weather-beaten boats, and furnishing new, both strong and useful; without which, we could hardly have obtained supplies, or gone from one to another." (IV. Purch. p. 1765. Birch-Jas. I. p. 262.)

It should be remembered to the credit of Argall, that he succeeded, by very simple means, and without aid or expense, in putting an effectual and permanent check to the hostility of Powhatan; a purpose which Sir Thomas Dale had, two years before, so much at heart, that he earnestly besought the Earl of Salisbury to send him two thousand men to enable him to accomplish it, by occupying five fortified plantations on the north bank of the James.— (Bancroft MSS.)

The removal of the French, in 1618, from Mount Desert, St. Croix, and Port Royal, has been severely censured, as an unauthorized and mere buccaneering or piratical enterprise of Argall's, first suggested to him in the course of a fishing voyage, by some Indians, who visited his vessel by chance, and informed him that a French ship had landed men, and was still lying at anchor at Mount Desert. This party of Frenchmen, thirty-two in number, including four Jesuits, was under the command of Captain La Saussaye, but was mainly designed for the central point of a Jesuit establishment, whence the missionaries of that order might carry on their zealous labors for the conversion of the savages, with less opposition than they had met with elsewhere. The project was not favored in France by the Catholics generally, nor at all by the Protestants. Sully, the great minister of Henry the Fourth, disapproved of De Monts's patent, and in general, of colonizing Canada, or any other place on the American territory above the fortieth degree of north latitude. (III. Sully Mem. p. 241. Biard, cap. 26, Relations-Jesuites I.; Parkman, Pioneers of France, pp. 279-294.)

As La Saussaye arrived at Mount Desert in the beginning of June, it is probable that Sir Thomas Dale neither knew any thing of the new French settlement, nor gave Argall any orders respecting it. The orders actually given were for "displanting" the French at "Sancta Crux" and Port Royal. These places, selected by De Monts and Poutrincourt respectively, were well known to the Virginian authorities, from the "France Nouvelle" of L'Escarbot, published at Paris in 1609, and Erondelle's English translation of it, which made its appearance in London the same year. Sir Thomas Gates and Sir Thomas Dale, in 1613, could hardly fail to have learned from L'Escarbot's "Relation Dernière," published in the preceding year, -as well as, indirectly, from the reports sent to England by friendly Protes-. tants of Rochelle, and other places in France, that strenuous efforts, of a marked religious character, were making in France for the revival and reinforcement of the forsaken post at St. Croix, and the languishing settlement at Port Royal, and, likewise, for the occupation of other places in their vicinity; a design facilitated and encouraged by the abandonment of the English plantation of Popham and Gorges, at Sagadehoc, at the close of the year 1609. This increased activity of the French induced Sir Thomas Gates and Sir Thomas Dale to despatch Argall, with orders to expel them from the territory comprehended in King James's Patents. For the accomplishment of this purpose, Argall's ship was armed with fourteen guns, and manned with sixty musketeers, trained, as Father Biard says, to sea-service; to board a ship over the side, and forward and aft, in rank or file, just as well as soldier's in the field; a warlike equipment, it may be remarked, that amply refutes the supposition that Argall's ship was to be employed on a mere fishing voyage. He was on his way to execute the orders he had received from his superiors respecting "Sancta Crux" and Port Royal, when the information gained from the Indians led him to part company with his fishing-boat, and to bend his course first to the newer and nearer station, occupied by La Saussaye's company. (Smith's Va. p. 115; IV. Purch. 1808, 1828; Hamor, p. 36; Belknap, Am. Biog. § XIV., Discovery, &c., New-England Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. ix. 2d Series, p. 5.)

The French ship was still at her anchorage, with too few men on board to weigh the anchor, or to set the sails, which were all in confusion, or spread as an awning over the deck, when Argall's ship, painted red, was seen bearing directly down upon her, before the wind; coming on "swifter than an arrow," as the reverend Father Biard describes it, under all sail, with the English colors flying, and a stunning accompaniment of three trumpets and two drums in full play. She was hailed on her course by the pilot's shallop, under the French flag; but, without stopping, instantaneously answered the hail by a fire of musketry and cannon. After a short and feeble resistance, the French ship surrendered, and was immediately taken possession of by the English. Her crew, escaping to the shore in a boat, were hailed to return aboard. Being fired on, two of them leaped overboard and were drowned. Father du Thet, a Jesuit, was killed; the captain and owner, Flores, and three others, were wounded. There was no other casualty on either side.

According to Biard (chap. 26), Argall went ashore the same day; and not finding La Saussaye, who had fled, took possession of his trunks, had the locks picked, and took out all the documents and papers, without disturbing the rest of the contents, which were then secured from prowling depredators by relocking the trunks. In Purchas (IV. p. 1808) it is asserted that the patent of the French King was given up to be cancelled. We shall confine our comments to Biard's statements.

As this alleged act of Argall's has been made a subject of unsparing censure, we think it just to state, in his vindication, that, acting under the orders of his rulers, on an expedition of a warlike character, he had, as victor, by the laws of war, and especially by the usages of the time, a right to seize, not only the papers, but all the other articles in La Saussaye's trunks, without being responsible to any one but the Virginia authorities; who, in turn, were also responsible to their own sovereign for the orders they had given Argall. That he left those articles untouched does not indicate that unscrupulous rapacity with which he has been charged. The whole of the other private property found in the camp was fairly distributed among his half-clothed followers.

The papers in question were taken by Argall on the spur of the moment, just as they would have been by any commander of common sense, without any definite purpose, but mainly on the presumption that they related to matters of public interest, and might furnish information of special importance in regard to the acts, designs, and pretensions of the French government in the contested territory. As, at that moment, it was not known that La Saussaye would ever come back, it could not have been foreseen that, with him, any discussion whatever would take place, or reference be made to the papers.

Again, Argall had cause of anxiety in the disappearance of the pilot vessel that had hailed him. Had she been promptly despatched in search of assistance, a superior force of French ships and men might, for aught he knew, be soon joined to her crew of fifteen, and .overpower him and his force of sixty men. As a provision against the possible contingency of capture, and being severely dealt with for attacking the French settlement, it was highly important for him to get possession of La Saussaye's papers, if it were only to destroy them, in order to put it out of the power of his victors to prove that the settlement was formed under royal sanction, and under that pretext to put him and his companions to death, as Gourges had done to the Spanish garrison in Florida. Biard intimates that Argall's apprehensions respecting the operations of the pilot vessel were such as procured him and his fellow-captives milder treatment.

Biard relates that La Saussaye made his appearance the next day, was received with great courtesy, and in a conversation which ensued, being asked where his commissions were, replied that they were in his trunks. The trunks being brought to him, with a caution given him to see if they had been meddled with, were opened, and every thing found in perfect order, but no papers. Upon this, Argall's tone and manner changed, and with a frown he exclaimed, "What then! you are playing false; you pretend that you have the commission of your king, but cannot give us the slightest proof of it. You are pirates and outlaws, and deserve death."

At the time when La Saussaye's papers were taken and concealed by Argall, Biard knew nothing of it. He says that he first learned it after he got to Virginia. On the day, also, when the interview took place between La Saussaye and Argall, he must have been absent,

in attendance on his dying brother-Jesuit, du Thet; and, of course, his account of their conversation was derived from the report of others. That report might be inaccurate through forgetfulness or misapprehension on the part of the hearers, in a moment of anxiety and confusion; as well as because the colloquy, being carried on in French, Argall, to whom that language was foreign, could not be so familiar with the nice distinctions and shades of meaning in phrases used by him, as altogether to avoid saying what he did not exactly mean, and being, consequently, misunderstood. This appears to have really happened. For Biard represents Argall on the day of his landing, as seeking, and on the next, as asking La Saussaye for the French King's commission, as if he regarded it in the exaggerated sense of an authority sufficient to cause him to abandon his conquest and leave the French in possession of the island; in other words, not only to condemn all that he had just deliberately done, but also, in advance, all that he still had to do under the orders of Sir Thomas Gates and Sir Thomas Dale, for "displanting" the French. It would be natural that he should cursorily, and in general terms, speak of the importance of the royal commission, as a reason for his wish to obtain it. But although he might give a plausible, he would not give an incredible excuse for his curiosity; certainly not one which would fail to make the slightest impression on the French, who had, an hour before, witnessed his hostile onset, in which he had utterly set at defiance all parleying, and shown his contempt for all French grants.

The royal commission was probably of importance in the eyes of Argall, chiefly as a means of ensuring greater submissiveness on the part of his captives, as long as he kept it concealed; and thereby deprived them of the power of demonstrating that they ought not to be treated as outlaws and pirates. But Argall never put his assumed theory of culpability in practice. Biard admits that his treatment of the French prisoners was never inhuman or cruel. Yet he and his colleague, Father Ennemond Masse, previously known to the English only as priests, being apprised of what had been said to La Saussaye, went on board the ship and besought Argall, by the blood of the Saviour, and his own hopes of mercy, that he would have compassion on the poor Frenchmen whom God had given over into his power, and, learning from their wretchedness how changeable are all things in this life, would be pleased to permit and assist them to return to France. Argall received them civilly and answered them respectfully. But, said he, dissemblingly, I am astonished that you Jesuits, who are generally considered conscientious and religious persons, should be found in a band of outlaws and freebooters; a set of vagabonds and miscreants. Biard, in answer, contended, with so much force of argument, that all their company were respectable persons, and favored by his Christian Majesty; and likewise refuted, so readily, every assertion to the contrary, that Argall was constrained to yield a seeming assent to his reasoning. "Certainly," said he," by what I see, it was a great oversight for you to lose your papers in this way; but nevertheless, I will speak with your captain about your return." And from that time up to our departure, adds Biard, the two Fathers took their meals at his table, and were treated by him with great civility and respect.

Argall, in concert with La Saussaye, speedily fixed on the steps to be taken for the return of his company to France. The French shallop captured was given up to them, to proceed as they thought fit, in quest of some of the French vessels frequenting those waters for fish and furs. No sooner did Father Biard hear of this arrangement, than he hastened to represent to Argall that it was impossible for thirty persons, crowded into so small a vessel, to go one hundred and fifty leagues in her, and cross bays ten or twelve leagues wide, as they must do, before reaching any French vessel in which they could take refuge; that it would be to consign them to death and despair. Argall replied that La Saussaye did not think so. Still, if they wished to lighten the shallop, he would enable them to do so, by taking with him to Virginia such mechanics as were willing; who should not be restrained in point of religion, but, after one year's service, should be sent to France. Three accepted this offer. The Lieutenant, the Sieur de la Motte, whom Argall held in great esteem for his bravery and other excellent qualities, had, from the first, determined to accompany Argall to Virginia; and he was allowed to take with him several other persons, who felt safe under the favor shown him. Captain Flores resolved to go also. He had been encouraged to hope for the restoration of his ship, which was afterwards effected in England. The Fathers, Biard and Quaintain, with their two attendants, and others sufficient to complete the number of

fifteen, joined the preceding. Biard says, that he had desired Argall to convey the two Jesuits and their attendants to the Isles of Pencoit, where they might find their way to France by some English fishing-vessel, and that Argall had willingly granted his request. If Argall made such a promise, it was in its very nature conditional; dependent upon wind, weather, and other contingencies. He would, no doubt, have performed it if he could. But only a most selfish and exacting person could expect that three vessels, encumbered with freight, horses, goats, ordnance, &c., should, at any rate, and at all risks, turn out of their direct course to seek, perhaps in vain, for such a vessel as the Jesuit Fathers might be content, or be allowed, to take passage in. Father Biard was not the man to acquiesce in any disappointment without remonstrating. He knew, and might have told us, Argall's reasons for not touching at the Islands of Pencoit. As he chose not to disclose them, we may infer that it was more convenient to ignore than to answer them.

When Father Biard prevailed on Argall to reduce the number in La Saussaye's shallop to fifteen, both he and La Saussaye knew, though Argall did not, that the French pilot's shallop was then on the watch, hovering near, concealed from view behind one of the neighboring islands, and if La Saussaye's shallop were overloaded, could have readily lightened her of part of her company, and guided her in safety on her way from port to port. The season, summer, was propitious; safe harbors were frequent, fish abundant, and Indians to be found everywhere on the main land, who would provide for them food, if needed, and be sure to give them timely information of all French vessels visiting the coast. La Saussaye certainly was not, at first, of Father Biard's opinion, that putting thirty men aboard the shallop, was to devote them to death and despair.

Father Biard also, while soliciting favors of Argall, and constantly a guest at his table, had secret interviews by night with the pilot Bailleur, who was of the reformed religion; received his warm protestations of devoted fidelity, reviewed with him the occurrences of the day, and the measures demanded by the occasion, and gave him an especial warning to beware of falling into the hands of the English captain, who was most desirous to get him ⚫ into his power. So far he was acting the part of a spy in Argall's camp.

Father Biard had thus his secret to keep, as, on the other hand, Argall had his; and in the conflict of their several interests and relations, each, by the law of his position, had, as we conceive, a perfect right, as a lawful stratagem of war, to keep his secret inviolate. To do so implied no more craft or criminality in one, than in the other: each made an instrument of his own secret, — Argall for the purpose of keeping his captives in peaceful submission; Biard, to obtain for them favorable treatment, by exciting, in Argall, apprehensions for the stability of his conquest, and the security of his own party.

The imputations of duplicity and craft cast upon Argall, in connection with this expedition, may be traced to a few insinuations of Father Biard, who may, with equal justice, be condemned for the same fault. The real truth is, that Argall committed no act that was not perfectly justifiable under the circumstances; nor did he resort to any stratagem or manœuvre but such as would have been approved, and probably adopted, by any judicious and practical person in his place.

La Saussaye's shallop was supplied by Argall with provisions and other articles. Father Biard intimates that the outfit was scanty, but it does not appear that any suffering from want was experienced on the voyage. When the shallop was just ready to put to sea, the pilot, with whom Father Biard was in communication, made his appearance, disguised as an Indian; and, after some little delay in taking an abundance of lobsters from the sea, and liberal presents of birds and fish from the Indians, proceeded in his own shallop, in company with La Saussaye, on the intended voyage. Two or three weeks after, they found two French vessels from St. Malo, in which the whole company were safely conveyed home to that port.

Argall's little squadron, consisting of his own vessel, and the two French prizes, one a ship of one hundred tons, and the other a barque of twelve tons, in the meanwhile shaped its course directly for Virginia, and arrived without accident. The pleasure afforded Argall by a cordial and flattering welcome from the whole community, was dispelled by the truculent threat of Sir Thomas Dale to put all the French prisoners to death. Feelings of mutual esteem and friendship had grown up between Argall and the principal French prisoners, De la Motte, the colonial lieutenant; Flores, captain of the ship; and Father Biard; and besides,

pledges had been given, in various ways, for the safe return of the whole party to France. Argall, therefore, as Father Biard says, came forward generously in their defence. He strenuously endeavored to turn the marshal from his purpose, which he resisted as a violation of the faith pledged by himself in command. Finding his arguments unavailing, and probably with some plausibility contested, by quoting, as against himself, Argall's own language uttered almost immediately after the capture, he frankly avowed the stratagem he had made use of as an expedient of war, and brought forward the papers taken from La Saussaye's trunks. When Sir Thomas Dale saw the authority, given by the King of France, and the resolution displayed by Argall, he forbore all farther proceedings; and a few days later the Frenchmen were assured that faith would be kept with them.

The work of displanting at St. Croix and Port Royal was still to be done. The season was so far advanced that, unless the greatest despatch were made, it would soon be too late for the expedition; and to postpone it to the following spring would expose it to defeat. Accordingly, as soon as the vessels could be unladen and again fitted for sea, Argall took his departure in the "Treasurer," accompanied by the French ship, commanded by William Turnall, Argall's former lieutenant, and the French barque. Captain Flores and four others of the Frenchmen went with Argall; and the two Jesuit Fathers, with their boy attendant, in Turnall's ship. Orders were given to destroy the buildings and fortifications begun at Mount Desert; to hang La Saussaye and the rest of his party, if they should be found in the Island; to take possession of the cargoes of all French vessels met with; but if no resistance had been made, to provide their crews with the means of returning to France, taking with them the eight Frenchmen who were in Argall's squadron.

Argall first visited Mount Desert. Finding no one there, and having burnt the fortifications, thrown down the French cross, and set up an English one with the king's name upon it, he sailed for St. Croix.

Father Biard, having twice visited St. Croix, was requested, as he says, by Argall, to conduct them to the place, which he refused to do; and thereby entirely lost Argall's favor, and put his own life in great danger. After a careful examination of the coast, with the aid of French maps, Argall found his way to the place, burnt the cabins and chapel built there by De Monts, and took away, as prize, what Father Biard vaguely calls a good heap of salt.

After several days lost by Father Biard's steadfast refusal, in trying to find some Indian to pilot him to Port Royal, Argall surprised a chief, well acquainted with the whole country, who conducted the squadron to the entrance of the harbor, two leagues from the habitations. The next morning, about ten or eleven o'clock, the English landed, and found no one in the fort; but there and elsewhere a stock of clothing, utensils, and provisions, as well as horses and cattle. The ordnance, animals, and military stores, with other supplies, found in the fort and magazine, were conveyed to the ships; from the dwellings, every thing of the slightest value, even the locks, bolts, nails, and boards, were taken away. All then remaining was set on fire and consumed.

The fact of Father Biard's refusal to act at all as guide to Argall is contradicted in respect to Port Royal, by the account in Purchas IV. p. 1808, where it is said that "out of the indigestible malice he had conceived for Biencourt," he offered to show Argall the way to Port Royal. It is quite certain, that Biencourt and the French at Port Royal entertained the same opinion; and, according to both accounts, besought Argall to deliver him into their hands, that they might hang him for his treachery.

As his accusers, of course, soon after repeated their story in France, it became to him a matter of life and death to clear his fame from the stains of guilt and infidelity to his country. How far his anxiety to conciliate the favor and good opinion of the French public and his own Jesuit fraternity, for whom he wrote, may have affected the truth of his narrative, it is, at this day, not easy to determine. But in vindication of his innocence, patriotism, and loyalty, among other things, he dwells on an incident which has more personal than historical importance; namely, that by his conversations with Turnall, he persuaded him that the season was too late, and the dangers of the place too great, for proceeding farther with the expedition; and if able to reach Port Royal, nothing would be found, as he himself had seen nothing but poverty, and nothing would be gained but the hatred of the conquered. Turnall,