which was the absurd imputation of its enemies, and which his antifederal bias led him more readily to listen to, derived all its plausibility from the just, generous, and universal confidence, that was reposed in the chief magistrate. These things influenced his conduct in old age, when he was Governor of Massachusetts, and while the extreme heat of political feelings would have made it impossible, for even a much less positive character to administer any public concerns without one of the parties of that day being dissatisfied. But all these circumstances are to be disregarded, in making an estimate of his services. He, in fact, was born for the revolutionary epoch, he was trained and nurtured in it, and all his principles and views were deeply imbued with the dislikes and partialities which were created during that long struggle. He belonged to the revolution; all the power and peculiarity of his character were developed in that career, and his share in public life under a subsequent state of things, must be considered as subordinate and unimportant.

He possessed an energy of will that never faltered, in the purpose of counteracting the arbitrary plans of the English cabinet, and which gradually engaged him to strive for the independence of the country. Every part of his character conduced to this determination. His private habits, which were simple, frugal, and unostentatious, led him to despise the luxury and parade affected by the crown offi cers; his religious tenets, which made him loath the very name of the English church, preserved in his

mind the memory of ancient persecutions, as vividly, as if they had happened yesterday, and as anxiously, as if they might be repeated to-morrow; his detestation of royalty, and privileged classes, which no man could have felt more deeply-all these circumstances stimulated him to perseverance in a course, which he conscientiously believed it to be his duty to pursue, for the welfare of his country.

He combined in a remarkable manner all the animosities and all the firmness, that could qualify a man to be the assertor of the rights of the people. Had he lived in any country or any epoch, when abuses of power were to be resisted, he would have been one of the reformers. He would have suffered excommunication rather than have bowed to papal infallibility, or paid the tribute to St. Peter; he would have gone to the stake, rather than submit to the prelatic ordinances of Laud; he would have mounted the scaffold, sooner than pay a shilling of illegal ship-money; he would have fled to a desert, rather than endure the profligate tyranny of a Stuart; he was proscribed, and would sooner have been condemned as a traitor, than assent to an illegal tax, if it had been only a six penny stamp or an insignificant duty on Tea, and there appeared to be no species of corruption by which this inflexibility could have been destroyed.

The motives by which he was actuated, were not a sudden ebullition of temper, nor a transient impulse of resentment, but they were deliberate, methodical and unyielding. There was no pause, no hesitation, no despondency; every day, and every

hour, was employed in some contribution towards the main design, if not in action, in writing; if not with the pen, in conversation; if not in talking, in meditation. The means he advised were persuasion, petition, remonstrance, resolutions, and when all failed, defiance and extermination sooner than submission. His measures for redress were all legitimate, and where the extremity of the case, as in the destruction of the tea, absolutely required an irregularity, a vigour beyond the law, he was desirous that it might be redeemed by the discipline, good order, and scrupulous integrity, with which it should be effected.

With this unrelenting and austere spirit, there was nothing ferocious, or gloomy, or arrogant in his demeanour. His aspect was mild, dignified and gentlemanly. In his own state, or in the congress of the union, he was always the advocate of the strongest measures, and in the darkest hour he never wavered or desponded. He engaged in the cause with all the zeal of a reformer, the confidence of an enthusiast, and the cheerfulness of a voluntary martyr. It was not by brilliancy of talents, or profoundness of learning, that he rendered such essential service to the cause of the revolution, but by his resolute decision, his unceasing watchfulness, and his heroic perseverance. In addition to these qualities, his efforts were consecrated by his entire superiority to pecuniary considerations; he, like most of his colleagues, proved the nobleness of their cause, by the virtue of their conduct: and Samuel Adams.

after being so many years in the public service, and having filled so many eminent stations, must have been buried at the public expense, if the afflicting death of an only son had not remedied this honourable poverty.

Chapter XTH.

Question regarding compensation to the sufferers by the RiotsCommittee to inquire about Proclamations—Opposition to the Lieutenant Governor's act in the Council-Arrival of a small body of Troops.

THE Committee of Secresy, which had been appointed to sit in the recess, with power to send for persons and papers, and to receive any communications from the Governor respecting the actors in the riots of the preceding year, obtained no information from him, as has been already mentioned. In October, he convened the legislature expressly for the purpose of granting compensation to the sufferers. After much discussion, the House, by a vote of 44 to 36, refused to make a remuneration. A few days after, a motion to reconsider this motion was lost by the same majority, but with increased numbers; 51 to 43. November 5th, the question was modified by moving, that an account of the losses should be prepared, and an estimate of what

each town would have to pay, if payment should be made out of the public treasury: this also passed in the negative. November 6th, a committee was ordered to make out an estimate, to be printed; and that the legislature should then have a recess, in order to consult their constituents. They assembled again December 3d, and passed the bill for "granting compensation to the sufferers, and general pardon, indemnity, and oblivion, to the offenders." The numbers were 53 to 35; Otis, Adams, Hancock, Hawley, &c. being in the affirmative. The House "ordered that Major Hawley, Mr. Otis, and Mr. Adams, be a committee to prepare a resolve,❤setting forth the motives which induced this house to pass the bill for granting compensation, &c. &c." who reported thereon as follows:

"Resolved, that this House, in passing the bill for granting compensation to the sufferers, and of free and general pardon, indemnity and oblivion, to the offenders in the late times, were influenced by a loyal and grateful regard to his majesty's most mild and gracious recommendation; by a deference to the opinion of the illustrious patrons of the colonies in Great Britain; and for the sake of internal peace and order, without regard to any interpretation of his majesty's recommendation into a requisition, precluding all debate and controversy: and under a full persuasion, that the sufferers had no just claim or demand on the Province; and that this compliance ought not hereafter to be drawn into a precedent." To this were added two