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HAZARD TO BELKNAP.

Philadelphia, April 30, 1783.

My Dear Sir, — Your favors of 31st ult. and 15th inst. are before me. I thought of your offer to Mr. Longman, and was sensible of the propriety and even necessity of waiting for his answer. But I think a good deal may be done without it, such as publishing proposals, receiving subscriptions, &c.; though, for the reason formerly assigned you, nothing can be done til I receive a .part or the whole of the copy. I would wish to extract one of the most interesting or entertaining parts for a specimen, and shall be glad, as you have studied the subject, if you will point it out. I thank you for the remarks upon the Aurora Borealis, and shall take the liberty of communicating them to the American Philosophical Society at the next meeting. I never observed or heard of the sound you mention. If the law for hanging witches is, "Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live," I have it in an old collection of Massachusetts laws printed in (I think) 1676 or 9. If it is any thing else, shall be obliged to you for it.

How did you settle the affair of the constitution? So the combatants about the controversy have fatigued themselves, and cui bono? If it would not be derogating from their Apostolical dignity, I would say that they remind me of dogs which I have sometimes seen worrying each other almost to death for a picked bone, which the victor found non opera pretium. I believe Congress have something before them about literary property, from some hints I have received. Shall enquire about it. Am glad to hear that Mrs. B. is better. Remember me to her. Did the Metropolitan ever tell you of some curious letters I wrote him? Don't ask him about them. Poor fellow! he has soon had reason to hang his harp upon the willows.

Adieu, E. H.

BELKNAP TO HAZARD.

Hover, April 30,1783.

My Hear Sir, — By the post this week I have sent the 1st chapter of my MS., &c. I wish you would contrive it so that the subscription papers may be at Boston by the day of their annual election, viz., 28th May, which will afford a good opportunity to distribute them. Our General Court and Convention will sit the next week or* next but one; and, if I have them about that time, I shall be able to disperse them through this State the more readily.

Last Monday I was at Portsmouth, where the news of peace was celebrated with a decent festivity. To-morrow we are to have it here, and so the feu de joie runs through the country. Is not George III. the connecting link between the glory and disgrace of Brittain? What a contrast is he grown to himself m twenty years' time! Intoxicated with former successes, he has ventured an experiment which none of his predecessors dared to make; and, after throwing away thousands of lives and millions pf treasure, he has lost the brightest jewel from his crown, while "a philosophical sense of dignity steps in under the shape of consolation." These are the words of the celebrated author of Leonidas, Mr. Glover, in his speech before parliament, when he appeared as agent for the West India merchants petitioning against the Restraining bill, in the beginning of these troubles, 1775. Did you ever see the speech? 'Tis replete with good sense, sound reason, and excellent advice, decently and elegantly spoken; and the event shows what a true judgment he formed of the issue of the plans then in agitation. I .have not seen it reprinted in America, but it highly deserves it, at least the concluding part. 'Tis in a volume of Parliamentary debates for that year, and 'tis noted there that, while he was delivering it, Lord North, then the Palinurus of the nation, was taking his usual nap on the treasury bench.*

HAZARD TO BELKNAP.

Philadelphia, May 7,1783.

Dear Sir,—Since my last, Congress have resolved to recommend it to the several States to pass laws for the security of literary property. I have only time to add that, in consequence of your friendly hint, Mr. S. Eliot has sent me the Hymns, but do not let him know that you know it, if you have an opportunity, because I have not now time to acknowledge his kindness, and I should be sorry to appear deficient in either gratitude or politeness. An affectionate remembrance of Mrs. Belknap is due from Your friend, Eben. Hazard.

HAZARD TO BELKNAP.

Philadelphia, May 14,1783.

Dear Sir,— The acknowledgment of the receipt of your favour of 25th ult. with No. 1 of your MS. is of so much importance to you that I cannot delay it, though my being left alone, in consequence of my clerk's being sick, prevents my adding any more than that. With every sentiment of respect for Mrs. B., I am

Her and your friend, Ebeist. Hazard.

BELKNAP TO HAZARD.

Doveb, May 19,1783.

My Dear Sir, — Mr. Paine's last Crisis (though not the best of his performances in point of composition, and interlarded with some foolish egotisms) contains ideas which are of the greatest importance, and deserve to be seriously attended to by these States. Our notion of individual sovereignty, connected with that of united sovereignty, forms a solecism in politics, and may prove dangerous, if it be not corrected. I remember, in the beginning of the controversy, we were put in mind of the necessity of union, by the figure (in some newspapers) of a serpent cut into twelve or thirteen pieces, and the motto was, "By uniting we stand, by dividing we fall." Individual sovereignty, if it means any thing besides local jurisdiction or internal police, is, in my apprehension, an idea as ridiculous as the fragments of that serpent being living animals. I am seriously afraid that (to use another metaphor, which may be more to the purpose, because it is of an higher origin) the iron and clay of Nebuchadnezzar's image is in some degree the composition of our unwieldy republic; and, if there be not something more done to perfect our constitution, we "shall not cleave one to another, even as iron is not mixed with clay." We have a congress who have the sole power of the sword, but cannot command a shilling out of the purse of any man in America. They can recommend 5 per cent imposts and what not; but if one, two, or more States do not comply, what can be done? A remonstrance, an expostulation, a committee trudging about from State to State, but no fiat. The public faith of thirteen united individual sovereignties is pledged to France and Holland, and no joint fund to draw upon. Each State has its quota assigned, and is to find means to pay it; and what if any one should neglect, or refuse, or, to say the best, not be able, to raise the money ?• When Louis or Mynheer calls for their money, 12 out of 13 will be ready, but the other will not; who is to compel them? Must the 12 raise an army to levy contributions? This would be a breach of the Union. Must the creditor kingdom right themselves, and the 12 look on and see their sister State invaded and not help them? I could pursue these thoughts further, but I have said so much already that I am afraid you will think I have got a fit of the hypochondria. So I'll leap from the political into the natural world.

* See " The Parliamentary History of England," 1813, Vol. XVIIL, p. 475. —eds.

We had on the 13th inst. another vivid aurora; the evening serene, with only a gentle zephyr from the S.W., but no flaws. I had another fine opportunity of observing the sound I mentioned before to you. I placed myself in a situation where I could not be deceived by the noise of the wind in the trees, and indeed there was no interruption. The distant waterfall and the croaking of frogs could not impose on the senses. I heard distinctly the sound of the flash. It was not a continued noise, but seemed like the ascent of a distant rocket, which, you know, begins with a degree of fierceness, and which grows fainter the higher it rises, till it gets beyond our hearing. I do not know whether this comparison be not worth pursuing, but I am not philosopher enough to dare it. I can stake my veracity on the fact, but I cannot undertake to solve it. You speak of introducing it to the American Society. I am not ambitious of being noticed as the author or communicator of discoveries, the truth of which will depend on my observation alone, especially such an one as this, which cannot be corroborated without a peculiarly favorable concurrence of circumstances, such as a retired situation, great attention, and a serene sky. It cannot be observed in a metropolis for obvious reasons. I do not object to your communicating it, but you must do it with caution, and with an introductory apology, — so as that I may not be exposed to* ridicule; for when I first heard the thing mentioned, I own I laughed at it, and I suppose, according to the law of retaliation, I shall be laughed at in my turn by some no wiser than myself.

You shall have the Witch Law at large. It is one of

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