"'lifh feem to be the first nation in Europe in fcience, arts, and arms: they likewise are poffeffed of the freest and most perfect " of constitutions, and the bleffings confequential to that free"dom. If virtues in an individual are fometimes fuppofed to be "rewarded in this world, I do not think it too prefumptuous to fuppofe, that national virtues may likewife meet with their re"ward. England hath, to its peculiar honour, not only made "their poor free, but hath provided a certain and solid establish

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ment to prevent their neceffities and indigence, when they a"rife from what the law calls the act of God: and are not these "beneficent and humane attentions to the miferies of our fellow

creatures, the first of those poor pleas which we are capable of offering, in behalf of our imperfections, to an all-wife and "merciful Creator!" To this writer, who fhows more zeal than knowledge, I oppose another, whofe reflections are more rational, "In England, there is an act of the legislature, obliging every "parish to maintain its own poor. Scarce any man living, who "has not feen the effects of this law, but muft approve of it; and yet fuch are its effects, that the streets of London are filled " with objects of misery beyond what is feen in any other city. "The labouring poor, depending on this law to be provided in "fickness and old age, are little folicitous to fave, and become

habitually profufe. The principle of charity is established by "Providence in the human heart, for relieving thofe who are dif "abled to work for themfelves. And if the labouring poor had

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no dependence but on the principle of charity, they would be more religious; and if they were influenced by religion, they "would be lefs abandoned in their behaviour. Thus this feeming-good act turns to a national evil: there is more diftrefs, among the poor in London than any where in Europe; and more drunkenness both in males and females (a)."

(a) Author of Angeloni's letters.

I

I am aware, that during the reign of Elifabeth, fome compulfion might be neceffary to preserve the poor from starving. Henry VIII. had fequestered all the hospitals, a hundred and ten in number, and fquandered their revenus; he had also demolished all the abbeys. By thefe means, the poor were reduced to a miferable condition; especially as private charity, for want of exerCife was at a low ebb. That critical juncture required indeed help from the legislature: and a temporary provifion for the poor would have been a proper measure; fo contrived as not to fupersede voluntary charity, but rather to promote it. Unlucky it is for England, that fuck a measure was overlooked; but Queen Elifabeth and her parliaments had not the talent of forefeeing confequences without the aid of experience. A perpetual tax for the poor was imposed, the most pernicious tax that ever was impofed in any country.tj os ben

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rous

poor,

t

With refpect to the prefent times, the reafon now given pleads * against abolishing a abolishing at once a legal provifion for the poor. It may be taken for granted, that charity is in England not more vigoat present, than it was in the days of Elifabeth. Would our ministry but lead the way, by fhowing fome zeal for a reformation, expedients would probably be invented, for fupporting the or, unles "without unhinging voluntary charity. The following expedient is propofed, merely as a specimen. Let a tax be imposed by parliament on every parish for their poor, variable in proportion to the number; but not to exceed the half of what is neceffary; and directing the landholders to make up quarterly, a list of the of the names and condition of fuch perfons as in their opinion need charity; with an estimate of what each ought to have weekly. The public tax makes the half, and the other half is to be raised by voluntary contribution. To prevent collufion, the roll of the poor, and their weekly appointment, with a fubfcription of gentlemen for their part of the fum, fhall be examined by the

juftices

justices of peace at a quarterly meeting; who, on receiving fatiffaction, muft order the fum arifing from the public tax to be difstributed among the poor contained in the roll, according to the eftimate of the landholders. As the public fund lies dead till the fubfcription, is completed, it is not to be imagined, that any gentleman will stand out: it would be a public imputation on his character. Far from apprehending any any deficiency, confident I am, that every gentleman would confider it as honourable to contributė largely. This agreeable work must be blended with what is rather disagreeable, that of excluding from the roll every profligate, male or female. If that rule be followed out with a proper degree of severity, the innocent poor will diminish daily; fo, as in time to be safely left upon voluntary charity, without neceffity of any tax,

But must miserable wretches, reduced to poverty by idleness or intemperance, be, in a Chriftian country, abandoned to diseases and famine? It is this very argument, fhallow as it is, that has corrupted the industry of England, and reduced multitudes. to diseases and famine. Thofe who are able to work, may be locked up in a house of correction, to be fed with bread and water; but with liberty of working for themselves. And as for the remainder, their cafe is not defperate, when they have access to fuch tender-hearted perfons as are more eminent for pity than for principle. If by neglect or oversight any happen to die of want, the example will tend more to reformation, than the most pathetic difcourfe from the pulpit.

Even at the hazard of lofing a few lives by neglect or overfight, common begging ought abfolutely to be prohibited. The most profligate, are the most impudent, and the most expert at feigning diftrefs. If begging be indulged to any, all will rush into the public idlers are fond of that wandering and indolent fort of life and there is no temptation to idleness more fuccessful, than liberty H

VOL. II.

;

to

to beg. In order to be relieved from common beggars, it has been. propofed, to fine those who give them alms. Little penetration must they have, to whom the infufficiency of fuch a remedy is not palpable. It is eafy to give alms without being feen; and compaffion will extort alms, even at the hazard of suffering for it; not to mention, that every one in fuch a cafe will avoid the odious character of an informer. The following remedy is fuggefted, as what probably may answer better. An officer must be appointed in every parish, with a competent falary, for apprehending and carrying to the workhouse every strolling beggar; under the penalty of lofing his office, with what falary is due to him, if any beggar be found ftrolling four and twenty hours after the fact comes to his knowledge. In the workhouse fuch begfhall be fed with bread and water for a year, but with liberty gars of working for themselves.

I declare refolutely against a perpetual tax for the poor. But if there must be fuch a tax, I know of none lefs fubverfive of industry and morals, than that established in Scotland, obliging the landholders in every parish to meet at ftated times, in order to provide a fund for the poor; but leaving the objects of their charity, and the measure, to their own humanity and difcretion. In this plan, there is no encroachment on the natural duty of charity, but only that the minority must submit to the opinion of the majority.

In large towns, where the character and circumstances of the poor are not fo well known as in country-parishes, the following variation is propofed. Inftead of landholders, who are proper in country-parishes, let there be in each town-parish a standing committee, to be chosen by the proprietors of houses, the third part to be changed annually. This committee, with the minister, make up a list of such as deserve charity, adding an estimate of what, with their own labour, may be fufficient for each of them. The mi

nister,

nifter, with one or two of the committee, carry about this lift to every family that can afford charity, fuggefting what may be proper for each to contribute. This lift, with an addition of the fum contributed or promised by each householder, must be affixed on the principal door of the parish-church, to honour the contributors, and to inform the poor of the provifion made for them. Some fuch mode may probably be effectual, without tranfgreffing the bounds of voluntary charity. But if any one obftinately refufe to contribute after several applications, the committee at their difcretion may tax him. If it be the poffeffor who declines contributing, the tax must be laid upon him, referving relief against his landlord.

In great towns, the poor, who ought to be prohibited from begging, are lefs known than in country-parishes. And among a croud of inhabitants, it is easier for an individual to escape the eye of the public, when he with-holds charity, than in countryparishes. Both defects will be remedied by the plan above propofed: it will bring to light, in great cities, the poor who deferve charity; and it will bring to light every perfon who withholds charity.