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cation was immediately agreed to, and their resolve to employ the blacksmiths (who are now engaged in building the frigates) for the purpose of obstructing the navigation of Hudson's River, is here enclosed. We wish much to hear from you what is done in that affair, and what more is proposed to be done.".

Dear Sir,

IOI. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO PHILIP MAZZEI,1

PHILADELPHIA. [August? 1776.]2

3

The Congress have not yet extended their views much towards foreign powers. They are nevertheless obliged by your kind offers of your service, which perhaps in a year or two more may become very useful to them. I am myself much pleased, that you have sent a translation of our Declaration of Independence to the Grand Duke; because, having high esteem for the character of that prince, and of the whole imperial family, from the accounts given me of them by my friend, Dr. Ingenhousz,* and yourself, I should be happy to find, that we stood well in the opinion of that court.

102. JOSIAH BARTLETT TO NATHANIEL FOLSOM.1

My Dear Sir

PHILADELPHIA Septembr 2nd 1776

After writing the above Genl Sullivan came to my Lodgings in this City and by his Account the affair of Long Island was much as I had heard. He says he has two verbal Messages from Lord Howe which he is per [mitted] on his parole to Come to Congress to propose, one is the Exchange of himself and Lord Sterling for Genls. Prescot and McDonald, the other is to propose a meeting with some of the members of Congress (as private Gentlemen for he Cant acknowledge any such Body as Congress) to see if they Can't agree on some propositions for an accomodation without further Bloodshed and says he will meet at almost any place for the purpose. these are but verbal messages and I Can Easily forsee great Difficulties that may arise let the Congress accept or refuse the proposed Conference. what the Congress will Do is at present uncertain but hope they will be Directed by the Supreme Disposer

2 The letter from the New York convention, dated Aug. 28, is in Force, Am. Arch., fifth ser., I. 1548. Cf. no. 79, ante.

[101] Writings (ed. Smyth), VI. 455.

2 This letter was evidently written some time after the Declaration of Independence and before the election of Franklin as one of the commissioners to the court of France (Sept. 26). The plan of foreign treaties had however been under consideration for some time. See no. 94, note 4, ante. Whatever may have been the service offered by Mazzei, it is doubtful whether it was ever even considered by Congress. For a sketch of Philip Mazzei, see a note in Wharton, Rev. Dipl. Corr., III. 825.

3 The Grand Duke of Tuscany.

4 Jan Ingenhousz (1730-1799), a Dutch physician and scientist, some years attached to the Austrian court. He was a frequent correspondent of Franklin. [102]1 N. Y. Pub. Lib., Myers Coll., Declaration of Independence; Hist. Mag., XIV. 213; Force, Am. Arch., fifth ser., II. 118.

of all Events, to Do in this and Every other affair before them what will be Most Conducive to the Safety and Hapiness of these American States.2 So wishes your friend

and most obednt Humble Servt

Genl Folsom

JOSIAH BARTLETT

Dear Sir:

103. JOSIAH BARTLETT TO WILLIAM WHipple.1 PHILADELPHIA, September 3, 1776.

By that time this reaches you I expect you will be near ready to set out on your return to this city. Make all convenient haste. The Congress is, at this time, very thin. Colonel Lee is arrived here, but several others have taken leave of absence, among them Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Haywood. The unhappy affair of the 27th, on Long Island, has occasioned the evacuation of our works there and on Governour's Island. Our people were ensnared, and, what vexes me, in a very careless manner.

Yesterday General Sullivan arrived at my lodgings, being on his parole. He says he has a verbal message to Congress, to propose himself and Lord Sterling in exchange for Generals Prescott and McDonald. He also says that Lord Howe expressed himself very desirous of an accommodation with America, without any more bloodshed-that he was very willing to meet, at almost any place, a number of the members of Congress, (as private gentlemen, for he could not own any such body as Congress,) to try if they could make any proposals for an accommodation; that he said he had waited near two months longer in England than he should have otherwise done, to procure proper powers for a final accommodation, with which he said he was now vested, etc., and he allowed General Sullivan to come here to propose the aforesaid conference to Congress. What will be done in the affair by Congress I know not, but think there are difficulties on both sides. If the Congress should accept of the proposed conference, only on a verbal message, when at the same time Lord Howe declares he can consider them only as private gentlemen, especially when we are certain he can have no power to grant any terms we can possibly accept, this, I fear, will lessen the Congress in the eye of the publick, and perhaps at this time intimidate people when they see us catching hold of so slender a thread to bring about a settlement. On the other hand, General Sullivan's arrival from Lord Howe with proposals of an accommodation, with thirty falsehoods in addition, are now spread over

2 Cf. Bartlett to Langdon, Sept. 1, 2, in Force, Am. Arch., fifth ser., II. 105. See the Journals, Sept. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6; also nos. 103, 105, 107-113, 116-119, 121, 122, 125, 126, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 252, post. Cf. no. 25, note 2, ante. [103]1 Force, Am. Arch., fifth ser., II. 137.

2 The Virginia credentials were presented Aug. 28, but as Richard Henry Lee was appointed on a committee Aug. 27 he probably attended on that day. See no. 128, note 4, post.

3 Thomas Heyward of South Carolina. See no. 106, post.

this city, and will soon be over the Continent; and if we should refuse the conference, I fear the Tories, and moderate men, so called, will try to represent the Congress as obstinate, and so desirous of war and bloodshed that we would not so much as hear the proposals Lord Howe had to make, which they will represent (as they already do) to be highly advantageous for America,-even that he would consent that we should be independent provided we would grant some advantages as to trade. Such an idea, spread among the people, especially the soldiers, at this time, might be of the most fatal consequence. Whatever is done by Congress in the affair will, I hope, be ordered for the benefit of America.*

104. THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS (JOHN HANCOCK) TO THE MARYLAND CONVENTION.1

Gentlemen,

PHILADA. Sepr. 3d. 1776.

Our enemies being determined to make a powerful Attack on New York, and the States adjoining thereto; and having for this Purpose, collected their whole Force from every Part of the Continent, it is incumbent on the United States of America to take the most effectual Measures to defeat their deep laid Schemes agt their Country.

The Congress have just receiv'd Information from General Washington of the very great and Superior Strength of the Enemy; and if we consider the recent Change in the Situation of our Affairs at New York, we shall soon be convinced that nothing will prove an Adequate Remedy in our present Circumstances but the most vigorous Exertions on our Part. I am therefore by Order of Congress to request you will immediately send all the Aid in your power to our Army at New York.

The State of our Affairs is so extremely critical, that Delay may be attended with fatal Consequences. Suffer me therefore to press you in the Name and by the Authority of your Country, to an immediate Compliance, and with all the Earnestness so naturally suggested by the Importance of the Cause. Altho' I doubt not your own Ardor would be a sufficient Stimulus when called on by the voice of Liberty, yet my anxiety is so great I cannot refrain on the present Occasion from beseeching you to exert yourselves. Every Thing is at Stake; our Religion, Our Liberty, the Peace and Happiness of Posterity, are the grand Objects in Dispute;

4 See no. 102, note 2, ante. On the same day that this letter was written, but subsequently, it would appear, Congress received Sullivan, heard his verbal message, and required him to put it in writing. Concerning the written statement John Adams remarks in his Autobiography (Works, III. 73): "In this written statement of the message it ought to be observed, that General Sullivan has not inserted, what he had reported verbally, that Lord Howe had told him 'he would set the act of Parliament wholly aside, and that Parliament had no right to tax America, or meddle with her internal polity"."

[104] Md. Hist. Soc., Red Book, VI. 56 (L. S.); Am. Antiq. Soc. (to Massachusetts); Mass. Hist. Soc., Hancock Letter-Book, VI. 27; Force, Am. Arch., fifth ser., II. 136; N. H. State Papers, VIII. 361.

which that we may be able to preserve and transmit to future Generations -is the constant and uninterrupted Wish of,

Gentlemen, Your Most Obedt and very hble Servt.

JOHN HANCOCK Presidt.

To The Honble The Convention of the State of Maryland.2

105. CAESAR RODNEY TO GEORGE READ.1

PHILADELPHIA September 4th. 1776

Sir, I mentioned in my last the arrival of General Sullivan, and then hinted the business of his coming. The day I wrote you last he was admitted in Congress, and informed them that he had been on board of the Eagle, and there had private conversation with Lord Howe; the substance of which was that his Lordship declared that he had ample powers, together with the General, to settle matters between Great Britain. and Colonies, in such a manner as should be for the true interest and benefit of both, and to make such settlement permanent; that he wished for nothing more than to converse with General Washington, or some one or more members of Congress, on that head, but that there was a difficulty in the way which prevents it, for that his rank and situation was attended with that kind of delicacy that he could not treat with the Congress as such, and had no doubt that the Congress from their situation lay under the same difficulty-therefore [he] proposed his having conversation, of an hour or two, with some of the members, as private gentlemen; that he would meet them in that character, also wherever they pleased; that he did not doubt by this step matters might be put in a train of accomodation, if not, that it would only be so much time lost; that his Lordship further said that he had staid in England two months after he was otherwise ready to come on purpose to obtain those ample powers before mentioned, by which means the declaration of Independence had taken place before his arrival.

There was other conversation, such as that his Lordship thought this a fine country, that he had many friends and acquaintances here, and that he should be pleased much to have an opportunity to ride through the country to see them etc. You, Sir, may be desirous to know what Congress think of this message, delivered by Sullivan at the request of Lord Howe. To satisfy your desire I think I may venture to say that a very great majority of the members look on it as an insult, and [I] believe a Resolution will pass that no proposals for the future be received unless reduced to writing, and signed [by] some person who has authority to

2 This letter, in compliance with instructions, Sept. 3, was written to the states northward of Virginia. The notation in the letter-book states that it was sent to the assemblies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island, and the conventions of Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland. It does not appear to have been sent to New York or New Jersey.

[105] N. Y. Pub. Lib., Bancroft Coll., Revolutionary Papers, I. 183 (copy); Read, Life of George Read, p. 174.

treat with Congress as an assembly of the United Independent States of America, or to that effect.2.

P. S. You will communicate the matter relating to Sullivan's message to Mr. McKean.

Dear Sir

106. THOMAS HEYWARD, JR., TO JOHN MORGAN.1

The Contents of your several Letters have been laid before the Medical Committee and Congress have come into several Resolutions which I imagine you must have received long before this time. I wish they may answer the good Purposes intended by them and be equally satisfactory to you and the Gentlemen in the different Departments.2

Your Commands I shall always be glad to recieve but it will for sometime be out of my Power to execute any of them in Congress as I purpose to set out for So. Carolina in the Morning.3.

PHILADA. 4th. Septr. 1776

Dear Sir,

107. JOHN ADAMS TO JAMES WARREN.1

1

PHILADELPHIA, Septr. 4, 1776

Mr. G[erry] got in the day before yesterday, very well. There has been a Change in our Affairs at New York. What Effects it will produce I cant pretend to foretell, I confess, I do not clearly foresee. Lord Howe is surrounded with disaffected American Machiavellians, Exiles from Boston and elsewhere, who are instigating him to mingle Art with Force. He has sent Sullivan here, upon his Parol, with the most insidious, 'tho ridiculous Message which you can conceive. It has put Us rather in a delicate Situation, and gives Us much Trouble. Before this

2 See no. 102, note 2, ante. Cf. no. 112, post.

[106]1 Hist. Soc. of Pa., Dreer Coll., Signers, II. 97.

2

2 See a letter from Dr. Morgan to the President of Congress, dated Aug. 12, in Force, Am. Arch., fifth ser., I. 919; also the Journals, June 18, July 12, 17, Aug. 20, Oct. 9.

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2 In his Autobiography (Works, III. 80), Adams makes this comment on Sullivan's mission: "The conduct of General Sullivan, in consenting to come to Philadelphia, upon so confused an errand from Lord Howe, though his situation, as a prisoner, was a temptation, and may be considered as some apology for it, appeared to me to betray such want of penetration and fortitude, and there was so little precision in the information he communicated, that I felt much resentment, and more contempt, upon the occasion, than was perhaps just. The time was extremely critical. The attention of Congress, the army, the States, and the people, ought to have been wholly directed to the defence of the country. To have it diverted and relaxed, by such a poor artifice and confused tale, appeared very reprehensible. To a few of my most confidential friends, I expressed my feelings, in a very few words, which I found time to write, and all the letters of which I find copies in my letter book, are here subjoined, relative to this transaction, from its beginning to its end." See, for instance, his letter to William Tudor, Aug. 29, Works, IX. 436 (the paragraph dated Sept. 2); also no. 117, post.

Benjamin Rush, in his Memorial (p. 103), remarks concerning Adams's attitude toward the Sullivan mission: "I sat next to him while Gen'l Sullivan was delivering a request to Congress from Lord Howe for an interview with a committee of the house in their

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