such a train of disgrace at all our forts, and lost them so unexpectedlyLet me except Sullivan's Island that the brave defence of Fort Schuyler has made the deepest impression. The reward due to these gentlemen is not yet determined: but it is generally talked to raise Gansevoort to the rank of Brigadier General, and Willett to that of Colonel. Stark will also be provided for, though he is something under the clouds for refusing to serve under General Lincoln to whom he refused the command of the troops, assigning as a reason that Congress had done him injustice in not promoting him. Sir, 623. THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS (JOHN HANCOCK) TO PHILADA. Septr 3d. 1777. Your Favour of the 27th Ulto I have been duely honored with, and immediately laid it before Congress. From the enclosed Resolves you will percieve that Provision has been made for Major Generals, while they act in a seperate Department, and as Congress consider you as acting in that Line for the present, the same Pay is to be extended to you from the Time you took the Command at PeeksKill, until it shall cease.* The Congress have been induced from your Recommendation of Rose and Ackerly, to consent that you should pardon them both. The Manner in which you propose to employ them appears to be extremely proper. The Honble Major Genl Putnam Peeks-Kill. Dear Sir 624. ROBERT MORRIS TO WILLIAM WHIPPLE.1 PHILADA. Septr. 4th. 1777 I have seen letters from Cap McNeil to the Marine Committee wherein he blames Manly for some part of his Conduct. it was a great pity they did not push into some port with their Prize where the whole might have been manned and gone out fresh again they wou'd have formed a stern little squadron. however as that cannot be, we must attend to what is in our power and if Thompson, Hinman [,] Jones and McNeill are not gone they will now receive orders to cross the Ocean. this point I carried yesterday in Committee and the orders will be sent immediately." [623] Mass. Hist. Soc., Hancock Letter-Book, VI. 262; Library of Congress, Papers Cont. Cong., no. 58, pt. II., p. 255. 2 See the Journals, Sept. 2. The extra pay and allowance to a major-general acting in a separate department rests on the resolve of June 16, 1775. See no. 512, [624]1 Md. Hist. Soc., Gilmor Papers, III. 5. ante. 2 The officers mentioned are Captains Thomas Thompson, Elisha Hinman, John Paul Jones, and Hector McNeill (see the Journals, Oct. 10, 1776). The marine committee's letter to Capt. Thompson, dated Sept. 6, ordering him to get ready and sail to France, is in Paullin, Out-Letters of the Continental Marine Committee and Board of Admiralty, I. 155. In regard to the controversy between McNeill and Manley, see G. W. Allen. Naval Hist. Am. Rev., I. 202, et seq; and I. J. Greenwood, Captain John Manley, ch. IV. Cf. no. 427, ante. I am much engaged in winding up the Accounts of the Secret Committee and it will be a Herculean labour, and in order to do it compleatly I moved for a New Committee which was appointed and is stiled the Commercial Committee who are to carry on the business in future they have chosen me Chairman but I am very averse to engaging deeply in this new business untill the old is closed, and indeed I now wish to be released from public business totally. I have had a long spell, my own affairs suffering amazingly the whole time and having no Ambition to gratify I wish to Resign my honors and powers to somebody that may be better pleased with them. Whether I shall be permitted to retire or not I dont yet know, but the meeting of our assembly is at hand and I hope they will leave me out of the new appointments. The Commercial Committee agreed at their last meeting that it was better to lay by awhile as the Enemies Cruizers are too numerous on our Coasts for any thing to escape in the Summer Months, but I suppose they will Commence some operations soon as hard Winds begin to blow. . Sir 625. COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS TO JOSEPH TRUMBULL.1 The Resolve of Congress which you will receive under this Cover will show you that we are appointed a Committee and for what purposes.2 We request you to transmit to us by the earliest good opportunity the fullest intelligence in your late department of Commissary General and you will further oblige us by adding any further information properly authenticated relative to the enquiries which we are ordered to make. We are with great regard Sir, State House Your most obedient Servant[s] HENRY LAURENS 626. THE PREsident of Congress to the Governor of New Jersey.1 Sir, PHILADELPHIA, September 5th, 1777. In the present exigency of public affairs, the Congress have come to the enclosed resolve, which I have the honor to transmit, and which I am to request you will comply with as soon as possible.2 3 See the Journals, July 5, and no. 539, ante. See also Morris's statement, Jan. 7, 1779, in the next volume of these Letters. [625] Conn. State Lib., Joseph Trumbull Papers, no. 506 (in the writing of Henry Laurens). 2 The committee appointed to collect evidence relative to the evacuation of Ticonderoga. See nos. 602, note 2, 617, 619, ante, nos. 669, 671, 677, 781, post. [626]1 Ñ. J. Rev. Corr., p. 98. 2 See the Journals, Sept. 4, and nos. 627, 629, post. Cf. nos. 635, 639, post, and the Journals, Sept. 17. The militia of the state of New Jersey by their late conduct against our cruel enemies, have distinguished themselves in a manner that does them the greatest honor; and I am persuaded they will continue to merit on all occasions, when called upon, the reputation they have so justly acquired. Those which the Congress now request you will order out, it is their desire you will order to rendezvou at Bristol. It will be highly agreeable to Congress to give the command to Gen. Dickinson, should the appointment fall in with your judgment, and I have reason to believe he will cheerfully accept of it, if you should think proper to put them under his direction.3 I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, sir, your most obed't and very h❜ble serv't, His Excellency, Governor Livingston. Dear Sir, found. JOHN HANCOCK, Presid't. 627. HENRY LAURENS TO JOHN LEWIS GERVAIS.1 5th. Septem. 1777 Congress is not the respectable body which I expected to have to be particular on this point would be improper, but I mention so much from that feeling which is irrisistible. I see my own private affairs going to Wreck. I am helping forward the heavy loss by most amazing expences here. I am adding to the load of trouble which my friends must have from attending to their own concerns, and am rendering my Country no intrinsic services. this latter consideration grieves me most. I think I have been instrumental in averting two pernicious schemes and except these my time 8 or 10 hours every day has been squandered. the most necessary work we have to do at present is that of Confederating, and that of making a state of past expences, to be fully informed of the application of those Millions already Issued to govern our future proceedings by wiser measures and to fill our exhausted Treasury by means least likely to involve us in difficulties. my attempts to accomplish these great purposes have hitherto proved fruitless and I have too much reason to fear, from a discovery of the cause, will ever prove so, unless very particular Instructions from some of the States should be charged upon their Delegates to demand of Congress an adjustment of accounts.* I wish we were half an hour together I would say many things to you, as an Assembly Man, in favour of our little honest State. what I have said you may think of in that Character but as being said to your self only.. here I left off at past 10 oClock (the 6th.) and went to Congress am this moment returned pt. 3-five hours debating one silly point whether certain persons chiefly Quakers who have given the Strongest proofs which in these times can be expected of their avowed attachment to the Maj.-Gen. Philemon Dickinson. Cf. the Journals, Sept. 12, 14, 16, 17. [627]1 S. C. Hist. Soc., Laurens Letter-Book, 1776-1778, p. 149. 2 See no. 619, note 5, ante. cause of our Enemies, who have peremptorily refused to take an Oath or affirmation of Allegiance to the state or to give a parole to the Executive power, should have a hearing in their own defence. the hearing which they aim at is not intended, but a hearing they may have, if they will accept the mode prescribed. Congress have recommended to the Executive Council to hear what they have to allege "for removing Suspicion that they are Enemies to the Independence of the United States." I am much mistaken if by this shifting ground the Cry of persecution will not be raised ten times higher, and that Congress and Council will eventually make rediculous figures. when I first arrived here I was told by way of caution that in Congress there were parties. I soon perceived there were. in the short space of Seven Weeks I have discovered parties within parties, divisions and Subdivisions to as great a possible extent as the number 35 (for we have never more together) will admit of as it is wholly contrary to my genius and practice to hold with any of them as party, so I incur the censure of not being long with any.. I told you I had been Instrumental in averting two pernicious schemes, this is one of the Instances -the other was a proposed mad expedition." but I have not succeeded to my wish, far from it. by a Majority of one voice we have Resolved to draw on France at all hazard, Tobacco or no Tobacco, or whether the fund may be exhausted by other demands or not, to draw I say for the amount of Interest of all past and future loans. I cannot persuade Gentlemen to believe that Bills of Exchange on France bearing 6 Per Cent Interest is a further emission of paper Money, but so much more dangerous than an emission of Square Dollars by the Interest which will accumulate to be repaid abroad and thereby in effect mortgaging to a foreign Crafty power so much of our Soil. I cannot prevail upon them to believe that if their Loan Certificates were made payable in one Year instead of three or five Years and the Interest quarterly or half Yearly, Money holders could be induced to lend more freely. I cannot prevail by my reasoning, to prove that either from the tenour of their present loan Certificates or from the insufficiency of the Sums Emitted to answer the amazing circulation of paper Currency and also for a return into the public Funds, arises the slackness and deficiency of Loans. I believe it arises chiefly from the former, because there can be no 3 See no. 619, note 3, ante; also note 13, below. The reference is to the proposed French loan, which Laurens had been discussing adversely, with quotations from the letter of Mar. 12 (including an addition of Apr. 9) from the commissioners in Paris. The letter is in Wharton, Rev. Dipl. Corr., II. 283. Cf. nos. 591, 594-597, 618, 620, ante. He closes his observations with these remarks: Is this going hand over head? is it governing 13 United States by random Strokes of policy? or did it spring from sinister motives? I cannot suspect the latter yet such projects were the megrims of men who hold themselves of the first rank and first importance in our political system." 66 5 See nos. 584, 586, ante. This doubtless refers to the vote in the committee of the whole. See the Journals, Sept. 9, 10, Oct. 6. Cf. the report of the committee on ways and means, June 11, and see no. 591, note 2, ante; also nos. 631, 636, post. With regard to the tobacco negotiations, see Wharton, Rev. Dipl. Corr., II., passim (consult preliminary index, vol. I., also index, vol. VI.). Man so stupid, as to think Congress Money in many Bills more permanent and secure by lying in their Desks useless and subject to many ordinary risques than it would be if it was comprised and expressed in one Certificate of Congress Money and bearing 6 Per Cent Interest * * ** [sic]. Neither can I prevail on Interested Men to acknowledge that 20 Millions of Expence per Annum all paid in ready Money whether the Expence be for Soldiers Waggons and Rations or for Broad Cloth and Silk requires more money for circulating Currency than the expence of 8 or 10 Millions Per Annum, of which 4th. at least [is] entered into Books not paid for in twelve or 18 months and even the not 3d paid for in Paper Money but in produce of the Ground. nor can I persuade Such Men to own, although they must know, that however hard they may Struggle and rant in order to accomplish impossibilities the Value of their paper Currency whether in Bills of Exchange hawked about in France or in Paper Dollars contemned in Philadelphia Beef-Market will continue to decrease until we can open our Ports and obtain a free exchange for the products of our Land. we may indeed find some temporary relief by Sale of Forfeitures within. what is worse than all I cannot prevail upon them to listen to the alarm-that going into debt to France howbeit this may afford us present means and put our debt out of sight for a little while will be mortgaging our Soil will induce that Court to persevere in her plan "to do no act which may seem to acknowledge our Independency," will encourage the British Ministry to protract the War, will infallibly Create Jealousies and engender broils and divisions among the States and will in a very few years burst our Childish bubble of Independence— that from these awful considerations Wisdom dictates to us to draw upon France for no more Money than is absolutely necessary to purchase and pay for articles essential to our defensive War-that we should contract our expences public and private-recommend Taxation in each Colonyborrow at home upon the best terms-clear the States of Enemies— Sell vacant and forfeited Tracts and other Estates-encourage Manufactures-Strive more ardently to improve our marine force and do a Thousand other things which we know to be necessary which we ought immediately to engage in and which we would do, if Luxury and Avarice were discountenanced and banished If we have not virtue enough to Save our Selves, easy access to the Treasury of France will only hasten our ruin. these Sir are very Serious considerations I have suffered much distress of mind on the occasion. I have been told that my arguments were very pretty for theoretic writers, but I appeal to experience, it is from experience I draw my reasoning. I do not contend for a further Emission of paper Money, I wish to avoid it. I am sure we may avoid it if we please. I contend against the most dangerous of all Emissions drawing Bills on a foreign Court, but if we must emit for domestic purchases and services, of two Evils I would choose the least. many other arguments I have at different Stages introduced, too many to trouble you with.". Cf. no. 766, post. |