part but to vote Men and Money. I saw in that business destruction of a number of honest fellows whom we want exceedingly for better employment, disgrace to our Arms and a vast increase to our general debt already swelled to an alarming heigth and felt that I should rise a criminal if I forbore to say every thing in my power which might tend to avert such evils. I delivered my sentiments and was successful. the question had scarcely an affirmative. I took occasion to report the value and at the same time the precarious and dangerous state to which Georgia was reduced, wished if so many Men as had been talked of could be spared from this quarter, they might be immediately ordered to that Colony, as well for its protection as for laying the foundation of an enterprize nearer home which at a proper time might be carried into execution with success and which would work half the Conquest of the other place without marching a foot towards it. before I sat down I moved for a Committee to consider the State of Georgia or wished to second the Delegate from thence in a motion to that effect. in consequence of these suggestions a Committee was appointed whose report favorable to Georgia and I hope very agreeable to my friend Mr Clay and yourself you will receive from Colonel Walton. I think it does not go far enough, if we might have raised a certain number of Men for an intended service full of perils and almost certain shame and loss, the same number might have been added for the security of Georgia worth ten thousand times more, estimating property, than the other would have been if we had conquered, and for conquering a good barrier and removing very dangerous Neighbors. these matters are not enjoined in secrecy but the less said upon what we had intended or do intend the better, let our Enemies apprehend by our Silence, we Sleep. I have been driven too to a necessity of giving my old friend McIntosh a Character in open Congress in opposition to the insinuations of some of his back friends who I suppose had industriously transmitted the poison to a few Members. I did not find a difficult task in that part, the Labour was pleasant and Gentlemen generally disposed to think favorably of him, even those who had "Seen" or perhaps received "Letters ", retracted as soon as they were better informed. Colo. Walton will be more particular.*. . . I conclude with Compliments to Mrs. McIntosh and the men and assurances of remaining with great regard young Gentle Genl. McIntosh " Dear General Your most obedient Servant HENRY LAURENS. 3 The committee on the state of Georgia was appointed July 25, and made a report July 30; measures were adopted by Congress Aug. 1, and the officers provided for in the resolution (including Joseph Clay as deputy paymaster-general) were elected Aug. 6. See also the Journals, Aug. 12, 15. Cf. no. 601, post. 4 See no. 577, ante. 5 As a young man General McIntosh had lived for a time in the family of Henry Laurens in Charleston. A sketch of him is found in Appleton, Cyclo. of Am. Biog. Dear Sir, 585. JAMES LOVELL TO WILLIAM WHIPPLE.1 3 PHILADELPHIA 11th. Aug 1777. I have wrote you that II Colonies in 12 sent Gates; 2 and the 12th only made objection, that he had addressed the Committees of the Grants by the same title as they had used in their letters to him-miserable objection! Jemmy D——3 promised me a printed copy of the resolves of Congress of the 30th. of June which the New York Delegates got struck off but he did not perform his promise, though I told him, I wanted it only for you. However Town has given them to the world at large to praise or condemn as shall seem best. It was scarcely rub and go by the absence of a Jersey member. The expressions are no encouragement to New York though the petition of the Grant-men was not allowed. 5 Commissary Trumbull has at last got free. Arnold too is at liberty to quit. He conducted almost without blemish in resigning, if a man may be said to do so, who leaves a patriotic exertion because self love was injured in a fanciful right incompatible with the general interest of the Union. Georgia' wrote that he could not expect his claimed rank would be restored, as the Eastern States were set against it though he owned he had made an exception of Con: and Rh: Isl:- If any member demands it the yeas and nays of every member are noted. It was demanded on this mighty occasion, the vote against restoration being 7 to 4:-3 of which 4 were N. E. and Georgia the 4th. happening all to be single voices-one of your's being unwell and two of Connecticut also sick. They intend to have Mass: hanged on a tree we being all 4 of a mind, as were all the rest except General R— among the Pennsylvanians. This registering is childish for if I am at a loss in any other question, I can defend this against a crowd.. 8 586. HENRY LAURENS TO THE President of SOUTH CAROLINA (JOHN RUTLEDGE).1 Dear Sir, PHILADELPHIA 12th August 1777 I reached this City the 21 July and next morning took my Seat in Congress where I found upon the tapis a subject not well understood and [585]1 Library of Congress, Force Trans., Whipple, p. 395; Harvard Univ. Lib., Sparks MSS., no. 52, vol. II., p. 1911⁄2 (copy); N. Y. Pub. Lib., Bancroft Coll., LangdonElwyn Papers (copy of part). Benjamin Towne was publisher of the Pennsylvania Evening Post. The resolutions of June 30 relative to the New Hampshire Grants appeared in his paper Aug. 7. Apparently no separate copy of the resolutions has been found, as the Bibliographical Notes (Journals, IX., appendix) do not mention it. See the Journals, Aug. 2, 6. Cf. nos. 529, 530, 543, 544, 548, 550, 554, ante. 7 That is, George Walton, delegate from Georgia. See no. 582, ante. 8 Daniel Roberdeau. See the yeas and nays in the Journals, Aug. 8. [586] S. C. Hist. Soc., Laurens Letter-Book, 1776-1778, p. 120. A draft of a part of this letter appears in the letter-book under date of Aug. 11. The variations from this revision are not considerable, except in two instances, which are noted below. which came to be agitated within eight and forty hours. an expedition to West Florida projected by persons out of doors and recommended upon vague and indigested plans and propositions, adopted by a few within and apparently acquiesed in by a great majority. the delegates from So Carolina are to be excepted.2 1000 or 1200 Men were to be immediately raised and embarked in Battoes on the Ohio and proceed down the Stream, to rely for assistance in the friendly disposition of the Inhabitants on the Banks of Mississipi "who were chiefly emigrants from the united States" and upon the Governor of New Orleans for supplies of Money Cannon and Artillery Stores and upon the Strength of "friendly assurance received from the Spaniards" The troops to lie perdue in a certain Cove or Bay near the mouth of the River till intelligence should be received of the arrival of 3 or 4 Frigates" in the Bay of pansacola,* these were to attack in front and aid the efforts which were to be made on the land Side. the Frigates indeed were to rendezvous at Havanna from whence they were to Sail when advice should be given of the arrival of the Troops near Orleans. the intended operations to be kept a profound Secret and the whole coup to be accomplished between the midle of October and Christmas. The Strength of the Enemy Supposed to be about 800 Men on Shore and one Frigate or two Sloops of War. Benefits expected. an acquisition of vast Stores of Merchandize and other valuables." destruction of a rising trade from W. Florida to Great Britain and the English West Indies. a 14th State if we should resolve to receive it into our confederacy. Lustre reflected upon the Arms of the united States. In answer to these fine things it was said. The projectors should have been present. their answer to many questions which were necessary to put to them would prove they had not fully considered the Subject and that the scheme was impracticable upon their principles. 2 See nos. 559A, 559B (particularly Thomson's notes of Laurens's remarks), and 584, ante. The draft of Aug. 11 has "at Fort Pitt". Besides some differences in phraseology, the draft of Aug. 11 has here the additional clause: "Where vast Magazines of Merchandize Warlike Stores and other valuables were to be seized the Town and fortifications to be destroyed or reserved according to circumstances". The statement in the close of the paragraph regarding the rendezvous at Havana is not found in the earlier draft. In the earlier draft this passage reads: "an acquisition of necessary articles for our Troops and Indian Trade and of other effects". In the other items of expected benefits there are variations of phrase but no essential differences of fact. At this point the draft of Aug. 11 has the following: "I listened with patience to the reasonings on these points till I found the House hastening into the measure not because they saw the way but rather because they did not and had relied implicitly upon papers sent in by the out of door projectors who ought to have been examined pointedly at the Bar of the House. my objections were partly to the utility in our present circumstances but principally against the practicability. "Wise men would not rely upon the power of 1000 or 1200 raw Troops to dispossess a number not ascertained of disciplined and well armed, nor upon a junction of such Troops and Frigates which were not in existance." [The draft ends here.\ If 1000 or 1200 Men should be so suddenly raised they were extremely wanted to act against the British Troops in this quarter and move as auxiliaries in the Southern States now held by a tenure very little better than the will of the Enemy. the power against which they were to act in West Florida was confessedly unknown and the junction of Army and Frigates admitting these to exist precarious in the highest degree. but where were the Frigates? if we had "3 or 4" to spare upon foreign exploits they could not be better directed than by order to scour the Coast from E. Florida to Cape Fear whence in all probability we should derive additional Strength to our Navy and open the passage to Charles Town now become the envy of British Cruisers and the emporium of at least one half the States. Emigrants from these States had in general abandoned us and our Cause in search of Trade, of free Imports and Exports. from such men we could expect neither assistance nor secrecy. on the contrary they would join with numerous tribes of Indians who had not been thought of in the scheme of attack, in order to repel our Troops as the most dangerous invaders whose design was to plunder their present Stock and to cut off the means of their future Supplies. the Governor of Orleans would entertain no high estimation of our political forecast should we embark 1200 Men in dependence upon him at 1000 Miles distance for the very essentials of our expedition before treaty or even consultation. and what would be the consequence if we should. These facts of success If our Frigates found harbour at Havanna we should remember that Jamaica afforded safe anchorage to a large squadron of British Ships of War and that the vulgar Spaniard for a little Gold would convey intelligence in a very few hours. 1000 or 1200 Men just taken from the Mountain Air and Water sent in the latter end of October and November to lie in any cove of brackish water and near Salt Marshes would sicken and die very fast. even upon the fresh River where such Men were exposed to night dews huddled together and lived upon Salt food, the list of dead and non effective would increase every day. It was in vain to hope for Secrecy of an enterprize which had been often talked of in different States and long suspected by the Enemy. finally that vast expence of Money and Men and further disgrace on our Arms would be the result of so mad an enterprize, into which it seemed Gentlemen had been hastening merely because they could not see their way. Your Excellency will not be displeased with the detail of this affair if you think the termination without a serious question, a fortunate event and that if the Expedition had been attempted and failed as most undoubtedly it would, that our Enemies would have been furnished with strong arguments for moving the Creek and other Indians to act offensively against So Carolina and Georgia. from the above circumstances and sorry I am to say, more than a few others which I have been witness to in Short three Weeks I can hardly forbear concluding that a great Assembly is in its dotage and that happily for us our Enemy is at the Same time very infirm. A late determination in Congress relative to the rank of a good old Servant Genl Arnold will probably deprive us of that Officer and may be attended by further ill effects in the Army. the reasoning upon this occasion was disgusting. he was refused not because he was deficient in merit or that his demand was not well founded but because he asked for it and that granting at such instance would be derogatory to the honour of Congress. it would be tedious to relate all the particulars but a curious anecdote will arise from them. Our proceedings have also been injudicious towards many of the French and other foreign Officers too hastily chartered and flooded upon us by Mr. Deane. some of these have addressed very riotous Letters to Congress and tis too certain that some of them have solid ground for Complaint. I have no doubt but that besides disparaging reports of Congress at the Court of France Actions will be brought against Mr. Deane for breach of Covenants. he has certainly stretched his Commission if not beyond the Letter far beyond all bounds of discretion. it seems as if he could not say nay to any frenchman who called himself Count or Chevalier. The Executive Council of Pensylvania by recommendation from Congress had framed a parole to be signed by the late Officers of King George. Governor Penn and Mr. Chief Justice Chew to whom it was tendered having in the most indignant terms refused to comply, were taken into Custody this morning and Congress have recommended to Send them under guard to Virginia to be there held in confinement. It will be no misfortune if every other King's Officer and others suspected persons who are also included should follow the example of these leaders.10. I have not the least doubt of the good wishes of all the Trading and other people in middle Life that our Independence may be established. 'tis probable they hold themselves Interested in the event and that many thousands already anticipate happiness in a Land of Liberty. the more this spirit appears or is even suspected, the more artfully will the movements respecting us be conducted at Versailles. One of our Agents," I mean no offence, has not discovered competency to the immense work in hand. the other is on the verge of Life and judging from the ordinary course of nature must soon drop. I have urged Congress to appoint a proper person to repair to France in order to act as a Coadjutor to Doctor Franklin while he lives, and in his Stead, in case of Sudden death.12 precaution like this, a wise man would take where the Interest of a distant Rice and Indigo Plantation was concerned and by Heavens Sir we wont Cf. nos. 582, 583, 585, ante, no. 687, post. 8 See nos. 559, 561, 565, 576, 581, ante, nos. 632, 648, 734, 753, 760, 769, 770, post. A motion for Deane's recall had been offered in Congress Aug. 5 (see the foot-note in the Journals, under Aug. 5, p. 605), but it was not until Nov. 21 that such a motion prevailed (see no. 565, ante, no. 753, post). Meanwhile, on Sept. 8, Congress definitely declared that as Deane's conventions were without authority, Congress was not bound to ratify or fulfill them. 10 See the Journals, July 31, Aug. 12; also the further statement in this letter, added Aug. 15, and note 13, below. 11 Silas Deane. 'The other" is of course Franklin. 12 The Journals contain no record of a motion of this kind. Upon the recall of Deane (Nov. 21) John Adams was elected commissioner to France in his stead (Nov. 28; see no. 753, post). |