unanimous than upon that question. Nobody, I believe, would have objected against a conference concerning his private affairs or his particular case. But it was inconceivable that a conference should be necessary upon such subjects. Any thing relative to these might have been conveyed by letter. But it appears to be an artful stratagem of the two grateful brothers to hold up to the public view the phantom of a negotiation, in order to give spirits and courage to the Tories, to distract and divide the Whigs at a critical moment, when the utmost exertions are necessary to draw together an army. They meant, further, to amuse opposition in England, and to amuse foreign nations by this manoeuvre, as well as the Whigs in America, and I confess it is not without indignation that I see such a man as Lee suffer himself to be duped by their policy so far as to become the instrument of it, as Sullivan was upon a former occasion.3.

But further. We see what use government and the two houses make of the former conference with Lord Howe. What a storm in England they are endeavouring to raise against us from that circumstance.

But another thing. We have undoubted intelligence from Europe that the ambassadors and other instruments of the British ministry at foreign courts made the worst use of the former conference. That conference did us a great and essential injury at the French court, you may depend upon it. Lord Howe knows it, and wishes to repeat it.

Congress is under no concern about any use that the disaffected can make of this refusal. They would have made the worst use of a conference. As to any terms of peace, look into the speech to both Houses, the answers of both Houses. Look into the proclamations. It is needless to enumerate particulars which prove that the Howes have no power but to murder or disgrace us.

The retaliation that is to be practised on Lee's account, was determined on when I was absent, so that I can give no account of the reasons for that measure. Yet I have no doubt of the right; and as to the disagreeable consequences you mention, these, I hope and presume, will not take place. If they do, they will be wholly chargeable on the enemy. The end of retaliation is to prevent a repetition of the injury. A threat of retaliation is to prevent an injury, and it seldom fails of its design. In Lee's case, I am confident, it will secure him good treatment. If Lee's confinement is not strict, that of Campbell and the Hessians ought not to be. The intention was that they should be treated exactly as Lee is.

Our late promotions may possibly give disgust; but that cannot be avoided. This delicate point of honor, which is really one of the most putrid corruptions of absolute monarchy, I mean the honor of maintaining a rank superior to abler men, I mean the honor of preferring a single step of promotion to the service of the public, must be bridled. It is incompatible with republican principles. I hope, for my own part, that congress will elect annually all the general officers. If, in consequence of this, some

8 See no. 366, note 3. ante; also Washington to Arnold, Apr. 3, Writings (ed. Sparks), IV. 377. Concerning the Sullivan incident, see the Journals, Sept. 2, 17, 1776, and no. 102, note 2, ante.

great men should be obliged, at the year's end, to go home and serve their country in some other capacity, not less necessary, and better adapted to their genius, I do not think the public would be ruined. Perhaps it would be no harm. The officers of the army ought to consider that the rank, the dignity, and the rights of whole States are of more importance than this point of honor; more, indeed, than the solid glory of any particular officer. The States insist, with great justice and sound policy, on having a share of the general officers in some proportion to the quotas of troops they are to raise. This principle has occasioned many of our late promotions, and it ought to satisfy gentlemen. But if it does not, they, as well as the public, must abide the consequences of their discontent.

I shall at all times think myself happy to hear from you, my dear Sir, and to give the utmost attention to whatever you may suggest. I hope I shall not often trouble you to read so long a lurry of small talk.

Sir.

405. WILLIAM ELLERY TO THE GOVERNOR OF RHODE ISLAND (NICHOLAS COoke).1

PHILADELPHIA M'h 15th 1777.

I have the Pleasure to inform you that, beyond my Expectation, I have procured a Resolve of Congress, in favour of our State, for an Order upon the Auditor General for Two hundred thousand Dollars, upon the Loan Office for Sixty Thousand Dollars, and upon the Treasury for One hundred and forty thousand Dollars to be paid out of the new Emission. order'd to be issued. Before Congress left Baltimore, they order'd a Million of Dollars to be deliver'd to the Auditor General subject to Draughts from Congress. The Money is on the Road, and so soon as it arrives the Order upon him will be paid, and your Commis'rs dispatch'd.

Sir,

3

406. LEWIS MORRIS TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE NEW YORK
CONVENTION.1

I had the pleasure of receiving your letter by express, and should immediately, in compliance with your request have laid the papers it contained before congress, but for some reasons that I flatter myself will be very obvious to you, I thought it prudent to defer it for some time."

From the circumstance of the adjournment of Congress from Baltimore to this place, there is now a very unequal representation. I am alone from the state of New York, as Mr Lewis has not yet come up, and it being of

3

[405] R. I. Arch., Letters to the Governors, 1777, p. 33; Staples, R. I. in Cont. Cong., p. 122; Hist. Mag., XVIII. 46. 2 See the Journals, Mar. 12, no. 394, ante, and no. 420, post.

3 See the Journals, Feb. 22.

[406] N. Y. State Lib., Revolutionary Papers, IX. 165; Jour. N. Y. Prov. Cong., II. 404. 2 See the Journals, Apr. 7, 8, and no. 445, post. The convention's letter, Mar. 1,

is in Jour. N. Y. Prov. Cong., I. 820; the enclosures of Jan. 20 are ibid., pp. 777, 778. 3 See no. 402, ante.

the utmost importance to that state as well as individuals thereof, for whom I have the highest esteem, I have declined risquing the event of so important an affair, until in a full and equal assembly the justice of it may have its proper consideration and effect..

You may depend, sir, I will be watchful to introduce your letter, and the subject of it into congress upon the first dawning of a favorable chance for its success, and then as it will be supported by such powerful influence as I have mentioned, I think I may give you an assurance that, though not speedily, yet eventually, it will terminate in a manner agreeable to your wishes. I have the honor to be, sir,

Your most Obedient humble servant,

PHILADELPHIA March 16th. 1777

To Abraham Ten Broeck Esq.

Sir,

LEWIS MORRIS.

407. THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO GEORGE Washington.1 PHILADA. March 17th. 1777.

I have the honor to transmit to you sundry resolves of Congress of a very important Nature, to which I beg Leave to solicit your Attention.2 The Congress having had your Letters of the 1st and 6th Inst. under Consideration, have come to the inclosed Resolve on the subject, by which you perceive they decline making any Alteration in the Resolve of the 6th. January, and that it was not their Intention that Colo. Campbell should experience any other Hardship than such Confinement as is necessary to his Security for the end they had in View when they passed that Resolve.

The obvious Distinction made by Genl. Howe in his Treatment of Genl. Lee who is notoriously committed to the Custody of the Provost and denied his parole, while our other Officers are admitted to it, was the ground on which Congress proceeded when they passed that Resolve, the Intention of which was to shew that in Proportion as Severities against him were increased the same Treatment should be exercised on six Field Officers

The Principle of Retaliation was early adopted by the States of America, and if adhered to, will be the most likely Way to prevent our Enemies from making Distinctions, which have no other Foundation but the Gratification of their Revenge, Genl. Lee having an undoubted Right to every Indulgence that our other Officers, Prisoners among them, may receive.3 I have wrote to the Governor and Council of Virginia, and likewise to Colo. Stephen on the Subject of the enclosed Resolves.*

[407]1 Library of Congress, Letters to Washington, XC. 104; Letters to Washington (ed. Sparks), I. 357.

2 Presumably the resolves of Mar. 13, 14, 15, which concerned General Washington. See the Journals, Mar. 14, and nos. 366, note 3, 367, 371, 376, 386, 390, 395, 403, 404, ante. See also the Journals, Mar. 24, 29. Cf. no. 576, post.

* See the Journals, Mar. 13. Colo. Stephen" was Col. Edward Stevens. See the Journals, Apr. 15.

The Congress have endeavoured to put a Stop to Foreigners coming over to America to enter the Service, not only by directing the Committee of Secret Correspondence to write to the Agents abroad to discourage them from such Views, but by declaring that they shall not be employed, unless they are well acquainted with our Language."

Your several Favors of the 20th. 23d. and 28. Feby. and Ist. and 6th. of March have been duly received and laid before Congress. I am also this minute honored with your Favour of the 14th. which shall be laid before Congress as soon as possible. I have the Honour to be with Sentiments of the greatest Esteem, Sir,

Your most obed and very hble servt.

JOHN HANCOCK Presidt.

408. WILLIAM WHIPPLE TO JOSIAH BARTLETT.1

My Dear Sir,

PHILADELPHIA 17th March 1777

My last was the 22d Feby 2 since which I have not been favor'd with any of Yours.

Congress adjourn'd the 28th and did not meet here till the 11th inst and have now but a thin House, which makes the Business extreemly Laborious for those that attend, the whole time of the Members being taken up on Committees when the House is not setting. The expence of living here is beyond all Bounds. every thing has risen more than double since you left this. unless some effectual stop can be put to the sinking Curry. I dont know what will be the Consequence, and how that is to be effected, I cannot devise, unless by taxation. why has not N. H. adoptd this measure? she is exceedingly fond of following the example of Massachusetts and Connecticut; in some things why not in this? which in my judgment is the wisest they ever set her. How goes on Your recruiting service?

409. JOHN ADAMS TO JAMES WARREN.1

1

PHILADELPHIA, 18 March, 1777.

I had this morning the pleasure of your favor of February 22d,' by the post. This is the first letter from you since I left you.

You are anxious to know what expectations are to be entertained of foreign aid. I wish, Sir, it was in my power to communicate to you the

5 See the Journals, Mar. 13, 14, 19, and nos. 410, 418, 489, 501, note 2, post. Cf.

nos. 136, 360A, ante.

The first five of these letters were read in Congress Mar. 12. See the references in the Journals (p. 171, note 1). The letter of Mar. 14 was not presented until Mar. 19, as there was not a quorum on either the 17th or the 18th.

[408] Copied from the original then in possession of Mr. Stan. V. Henkels of Philadelphia.

2 No. 376, ante.

3 Properly Feb. 27 and Mar. 12, respectively. Cf. no. 401, ante.

[409]1 Works, IX. 456.

2 Warren's letter is in Warren-Adams Letters, I. 294.

little that I know of this matter; but I am under such injunctions and engagements, to communicate nothing relative to foreign affairs, that I ought not to do it; and, if I was at liberty, such is the risk of letters by the post or any other conveyance, that it would be imprudent.

Thus much I may say, that we have letters from Dr. Franklin and Mr. Deane; both agree that every thing is as they could wish; . . . . Thus much you may depend on, that you may have any thing that France affords in the way of manufactures, merchandise, or warlike stores, for sending for it. I can go no further as yet.3

Sir,

410. THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS (JOHN HANCOCK) TO
PHILIP SCHUYLER.1

PHILADA. March 18th. 1777.

I have the Honour to transmit you sundry Resolves of Congress in Obedience to their Commands.

The Number of Foreigners already employed in the Army of these States, is a prodigious Weight upon the Service; and the Evil is likely to encrease unless a speedy Stop can be put to it. For this Purpose, the Congress have not only determined that no Commissions should be granted to any foreign Officers who are ignorant of the English Language but have directed the Committee of Secret Correspondence to write to their Agents abroad to discourage Gentlemen from Coming to America, with expectation of being taken into the Service, unless they are acquainted with our Language.2

The Sense of Congress relative to some Expressions in your Letter of the [4 February] is so clearly conveyed in the enclosed Resolves, that I shall only add, it is their Expectation you will be more guarded for the future; and that you write in a stile better adapted to their rank and Dignity, as well as your own Character.3

3 A letter from Franklin, Dec. 8, was read in Congress Mar. 12. It is in Wharton, Rev. Dipl. Corr., II. 221. See also numerous letters of Silas Deane, ibid., II., passim. Cf. no. 400, ante, nos. 421, 422, post. In a letter to John Jay, Mar. 1, Washington raises the question whether it would not be wise to make public some of the "important pieces of intelligence" received from Europe. The letter is in Wharton, Rev. Dipl. Corr., II. 277. [410]1 Mass. Hist. Soc., Hancock Letter-Book, VI. 162; Library of Congress, Papers Cont. Cong., no. 58, pt. II., p. 156.

2 See the Journals, Mar. 13, 14, 19; cf. no. 407, ante.

See the Journals, Mar. 12, 15. Cf. no. 287, ante, and no. 423, post. The pertinent part of Schuyler's letter of Feb. 4 which occasioned this action is given in Tuckerman, Life of Schuyler, p. 156. Cf. Lossing, Life of Schuyler, vol. II., ch. vIII. In a letter to Jonathan Trumbull, jr., Mar. 16, Schuyler says:

"On Monday the 21st [24th] Instant I propose to begin my Journey to Philadelphia. how long I shall be absent is Impossible Even to Guess at. I am something more Certain on another point-that is I shall not return a General. I find Congress will have no Occasion for me I am happy that they have persons capable of advising them on every thing to be done In this department so much so that It does not Even appear necessary to Consult me on any Matter whatsoever. they spare me much trouble but I shall have still much less when retired at Saratoga Indulging myself In rural amusements unperplexed by business, undisturbed by laws and freed from the disagreeable Importunity of their Mightenesses the princes of the Wilderness." Conn. Hist. Soc., Papers of Jonathan Trumbull, jr., vol. II., no. 73. Cf. no. 461, post.