2 Purpose, and mean't when the States should borrow Money to emit it at five pr. Cent., thinking that there was the Difference of One pr. Cent between continental and colonial Security. As there may possibly be a Question about Increase of Interest hereafter I should be glad to be informed how high the Assembly thinks it would be proper for Congress to go in order to answer their Purpose of collecting Continental Dollars by Loan-Office Certificates in our States; for by their Sentiments I mean to be governed. At present it stands at Four per Cent. and I hope that an Increase of Interest will never become necessary; for thereby the Public Debt would be enhanced. Its continuing at four per Cent. depends greatly upon the Encouragement that the Assemblies of the Several States shall give to the Loan Office. Our State will I dont doubt pay as they have ever done a due Regard to the Resolutions of Congress; for it is her Interest to stand well with the superintending Power of these States. Congress have taken into Consideration the Doings of the Committee of the NewEngland States, and have approved of the Measures taken for the Defence of the State You govern, of the Regulation of the Prices of Articles of Produce etc., and have recommended it to the other States in the Union to take such Measures for regulating and fixing the Price of Provisions etc as they may think expedient; they approved also of the Embargo; but disapprove of the Emission of Paper Money by the States. This is, as well as I can recollect, the Substance of the Resolves, for they past this Day and I have not been able to get a Copy of them. They will be published; but as I know it will give the State great Pleasure to be assured that Congress approve of the Measures taken for its Defence, as that Approbation involves in it the Idea of paying the Expence thereof, I cannot forbear giving you the earliest Intelligence of it. A Question of considerable Importance was started on considering the Doings of the Committee. A Resolve was moved for in some such Form as this,-Resolved that as the Communication between Congress and the New-England States was interrupted, and the State of Rhode-Island was threatend with an Invasion or actually invaded Congress considering the Necessity of their taking Measures for their Defence approve of their Meeting etc. The Advocates for the Motion went upon this Principle that none of the United States have a Right to meet without the prior or subsequent Approbation of Congress; those that took the other Side of the Question asserted that any Two or more of the States have a Right to meet for the Purpose of consulting upon Matters relative to themselves; and after a long metaphysical Debate which took up Part of three Days Congress were equally divided. All the Members agreed that the meeting was right considering the Circumstances; but split upon the Question of Right hinted at.* Congress talk of returning to Philadelphia. I hope my next will be dated at that City. I shall rejoice when I get near the Scene of War, and out of this expensive dirty Town.5... 2 See nos. 340, 344, 345, 349, 352, ante, 375, 382, 384, 385, post. * See no. 323, note 2, ante. Cf. no. 458, post. 4 Cf. no. 353, ante. 5 See no. 344, note 2, ante. Dear Joseph 358. WILLIAM HOOPER TO JOSEPH HEWES.1 Here I arrived late yesterday after a most fatiguing Journey all the way on Horseback from Baltimore hither. An unremitting attendance upon congress all day and upon committees on Evenings during the solitary representation of North Carolina by degrees impaired my accustomed stock of health and at length brought on a fever which for several days baffled the skill of Doctor Wirzenthall and the power of medicine. It had a crisis which proved fortunate, I took the advantage of an Intermission and resumed my seat in Congress-a Relapse was the Consequence and I had very nearly measured my length under Ground in that worst of all terrestrial places, a situation bad as it is yet preferable to being above it long in that wretched place. I have not yet recovered. I was broiling in a fever all last night and I can scarce muster strength to get on Horseback tho I propose to go on this day.2 Burke came to my relief on Saturday the first day of February and your express delivered me your packet about two hours before Burke appeared. Your Express with the fatigue of his Journey and from other causes found himself much indisposed and from this and his apprehension of the Small pox was averse to proceeding to Philadelphia. Fortunately, the next morning two congress expresses set off one for Philadelphia to return the next saturday-the other for Boston to return as soon as might be. Your letters for Philad. I gave to the former and wrote R Morris who was there and your Brother to dispatch answers by the return Express under Cover to Mr Hancock for you. Your Letter to the Governour of Mass'tts went by the Boston express. I gave directions to Mushraw to call upon Mr Hancock on Saturday for any letters which might come to him for you and if they were not arrived to wait till they did and then proceed immediately to Edenton. I apprized Mr Hancock of this measure so that no mistake can occur in the Conduct of it. Your Letter to the President etc. were layed before Congress, a Committee at my request appointed, and by Mushraw or soon afterwards in a letter by Burke you will know the Result.. The North Carolina Regiments as well the 6 in So Carolina as the three new ones here are ordered to join G Washo1. as soon as it can be effected. He is distressed for want of men, has not I fear 7000 and many of those are militia, when the Enemy are 10000 Strong and are prevented attacking him only from want of Cannon. . [P. S.] . . . . I forgot to tell you that Fras Nash was made a Brig: Genl and is to go to the Northward. [358]1 Furnished by the courtesy of Mr. James H. Manning of Albany. 2 Cf. Hooper to Robert Morris, Feb. 1, N. Y. Hist. Soc., Collections: Revolutionary Papers, I. 415. See no. 282, ante, and the Journals, Feb. 4, June 4; see also the journal of the North Carolina Provincial Congress, Dec. 21, 23, 1776, in N. C. Col. Recs., X. 980, 996. Copies of the North Carolina memorial, etc., are in Mass. Arch., CXCVII. 256-265. See also no. 549, post. 359. THOMAS BURKE TO THE GOVERNOR OF NORTH CAROLINA.1 BALTIMORE Feb'y. 10th. [16?] 1777.2 Sir: 8 my last to you was by Mr. Hooper, and I suppose you have received it long before this. I then announced my intention of troubling you every post, and I now sit down in order to perform, in some part, my promise. Of the political principle [s] of the respective States I am not yet able to speak very clearly, for they are kept as much as possible out of view. I conjecture, however, that all are under some apprehensions of combination in the Eastern States to derive to themselves every possible advantage from the present war, at the expense of the rest. I am not yet satisfied that there is any combination amongst them. I rather think that they only combine when they have one common interest, which is seldom the case, and I am sure this is not peculiar to them. On some late questions I observed they divided; one was relative to the interest to be paid on loans, another relative to the meeting of several States. In the sequel of this letter I mean to give you an abstract of the debates on these questions, and therefore shall say no more of them here. But, sir, I am more concerned to find that Pennsylvania, Maryland, Jersey and some others are exceedingly jealous of the states whose bounds to the westward are yet unascertained, and I am much mistaken if they do not upon all occasions endeavour to fix very extensive power in a mere majority of Congress in order to get resolutions unfavorable to the claims of such states entered into. To be more explicit, I believe they will endeavour by degrees to make the authority of Congress very extensive, and when it shall be fully established and acknowledged, to make such a party in it as will pass resolves injurious to the rights of those states who claim to the South Seas. You will see by some matters in the abstract of debate which I shall subjoin that this conjecture is not quite void of foundation.* I am clearly of opinion at all events that those states who, like ours, have such claims should be explicit in declaring they will give no power to their Delegates to bind them in any thing that regards their Bounds. I am not yet able to be particular with respect to the measures intended to be pursued. We are endeavouring to forward, by every expedient, the recruiting service, and also the putting our Frigates to sea. Our greatest difficulty is in supplying the Treasury. This requires the nicest management. If we go on emitting money the quantity in circulation so enhances the prices of things that we shall only make money without being able to get for it more commodities, and it will, of course, destroy its own purpose. The Loan Office is at length considered as little better than new emissions, and a Tax seems the only adequate expedient. There is a plan under consider [359] N. C. State Recs., XI. 376. 2 This letter was probably written Feb. 16 (Sunday) and finished on the 17th. There are several references to matters occurring Feb. 14, 15, and at the close of the letter is mentioned the resolution of the 17th for adjournment to Philadelphia. 3 The letter of Feb. 4 and 5, no. 337, ante. See the abstracts of debates concerning the New England conference, Feb. 12, 15, nos. 353, 356, ante. Cf. no. 465, post. In regard to the attitude of Maryland and other states toward the claims “to the South Seas", see no. 68, note 2, ante. ation for this purpose; when it shall be determined I will be more explicit." You will receive from the President a copy of some transactions in the New England Governments together with the Resolutions of Congress relative thereto. You will perceive that the intention of sending them to the different states is to suggest to them to fall on methods something similar if they see it proper and necessary. Tho' no States are more in need of such regulations than where the armies march through, yet they opposed it, under the pretence that regulating prices would be impracticable; but a majority of Congress were of opinion that it might be rendered so far effectual as to prevent engrossers and forestallers, and speculators, who purchased in hopes of a rising price, and thereby rendered necessary articles very scarce and difficult to be obtained. For my thoughts on the subject, I will refer you to the abstract of debates, that is so far as regards our own State. I indeed have no great opinion of an attempt to regulate prices in a country where the holders are under no necessity of selling; but knowing our own State was not much interested in this business I voted for it, in order to damp the practice of speculative monopoly which prevails in all the Northern States. You will see in the abstract my reasons for not approving it in ours. I really feel myself much displeased at the disregard Virginia showed to our interest in the matter, and I believe, were I a member of your Assembly I should move that she might be desired to avow or disavow the conduct of her Delegates in Congress. But this I need not urge to you who are so good a judge of her interest, so jealous of her honour, and so careful to maintain her rights.' We have just received some very agreeable intelligence from the army, but I expect it will be in the paper before I can close this letter. If not I will procure abstracts and enclose them to you. There are some Tory disturbances on the Eastern shore of this State, and the Civil Power do not seem to proceed with sufficient vigour against them. There [were] some Troops however sent against them, and I suppose my next will contain something final relative to them. I take abstracts of all the important debates in Congress, principally with a view of transmitting to you. I think it right that my country should know how I give her voice, and upon what principles I determined for her. If I am right her approbation will not only determine me, but others also, to proceed with firmness. If I am mistaken she, only, can correct me, and by correcting me inform others more fully of their duty. I doubt not the candor of my countrymen. they will believe I act for them to the best of my judgment, and when that judgment errs I am desirous it should be better instructed by them, or if they find it defective, and unfit for their service, 'tis surely right they should have an opportunity of substituting a better in so important a trust. The intelligence above mentioned is in the paper; it is that 5 See the Journals, Feb. 20, 22, 26; cf. nos. 345, 346, ante, 382, 384, post. See his statement concerning Richard Henry Lee in the abstracts of Feb. 15, no. 356, ante. Burke's idea of Congress as a body of diplomatic representatives of sovereign states was pronounced though not by any means singular. Cf. his opinions (undated), in N. C. State Recs., XI. 701. 8 under the Philadelphia head, February the 15th, but I am sorry to tell you it is contradicted by later accounts. We have received authentic intelligence from London that Chesapeake Bay is next campaign to be the seat of war, and the enemy mean to land first on the Eastern Shore.' The Tories in Somerset and Worcester are broken, and the persons who chiefly excited them are taken prisoners. The Congress have resolved to adjourn on Tuesday from this town to Philadelphia, to sit there on the Tuesday following 10 I have the honour to be your Excellency's most obe'd. serv't. His Excellency Gov. Caswell. My dear Sir, THOS. BURKE. 360. SAMUEL ADAMS TO JAMES WARREN.1 BALTIMORE, Feb. 16, 1777 General Howe has declared that he intends that General Lee shall be tried by the Laws of his Country. So he is considered as a deserter from the British Army. You know the Resolution of Congress concerning this Matter. It is my Opinion that Lt. Colo. Campbel ought immediately to be secured. He is to be detained as one upon whom Retalliation is to be made.2. . . . Congress is now busy in considering on the Report of the joynt Committees of the Eastern States. A curious Debate arose on this Subject, which I have not time now to mention. I will explain it to you in my next. 360A. ROBERT MORRIS TO WILLIAM BINGHAM.1 William Bingham Esqr. Dear Sir PHILADELPHIA Feby. 16th. 1777. I must also request you to spare me all you can in the Introduction of French Officers to me. I do not speak their Language and being so exceedingly employed as I am the time they take from me in Visits and applications can very ill be spared and is really very troublesome to me coud I speak the Language and had spare time it woud be a pleasure but 8 The newspaper referred to was probably the Maryland Gazette, of which no copy of a date approximating Feb. 16 has been found. In a letter to James Warren, Feb. 17 (Warren-Adams Letters, I. 293), John Adams speaks of a rumor of an engagement in which the enemy left 327 dead on the field. This was probably based on a letter from the committee in Philadelphia, Feb. 13, read in Congress Feb. 17. The committee gives an account of the affair at Quibbletown, New Jersey, as related by Major Ottendorff, concluding: "This is the Substance of what Genl Gates could collect from the Major's bad French-Dutch-English Lingo." (Papers Cont. Cong., no. 137, App., f. 155.) Cf. no. 369, post. See the Journals, Feb. 17. 10 See the Journals, Feb. 17, 25, 27 (pp. 164, 168). Cf. no. 344, note 2, ante, nos. 362, 363, 368, 377, 378, 382-384, 387-389, 392, 393, post. [360] Warren-Adams Letters, I. 291; Writings (ed. Cushing), III. 360. 2 See the Journals, Jan. 6, and nos. 290, 291, 297-299, ante, 360, 366, 367, 371, post. preceding the date of this letter. [360 A]1 Library of Congress, Morris Papers, Accession 2233. |