CHAPTER V.

PROTEST AGAINST A STANDING ARMY.

TOWN-MEETINGS. THE MASSACHUSETTS CIRCULAR LETTER. BRITISH TROOPS ORDERED TO BOSTON. THE PUBLIC FEELING.

A TOWNMEETING.- A CONVENTION. EFFECT OF THE POPULAR MOVEMENT.

1768. JUNE TO OCTOBER.

WARREN took a prominent part in the town-meeting that was occasioned by the decision of the ministry to station a British force in Boston. So marked was the effect of the regular action of popular power, in the formation of public opinion, that Hutchinson wrote, June 18, " Ignorant as they be, yet the heads of a Boston town-meeting influence all public measures." Ignorance had no Ignorance had no such power. The band of popular leaders, who were guiding the patriot cause so discreetly, were of such character and intelligence, that, besides members of congress, judges, and state officers, they supplied four governors of Massachusetts and one president of the United States; and among them were names honorably connected with literature and science.

An event now occurred which increased the excitement in the town, and strengthened the popular cause. The Circular Letter, which the House of Representatives sent to the assemblies of the other colonies, proposing unity of action, was said by the Tories to have been designed to raise a general flame and to

organize a confederacy; and, on the allegation that it was dangerous to the king's prerogative, Governor Bernard was instructed by Lord Hillsborough to demand the house to rescind it. This was an exciting period. "Our people," Hutchinson said, June 19, "seem to be more infatuated than ever; and I cannot say what further extravagance they may rule." As Governor Bernard imagined what might occur when he should execute the order which he had in hand, he said, June 18, "I don't know whether I shan't be obliged to act like the captain of a fire-ship, - provide for my retreat before I light my fuse. There seems at present a determination to resist Great Britain." In this mood, he sent in the royal order. But the patriots, in their circular, simply invited their brother patriots to join in a petition for a redress of grievances; and, this being clearly constitutional, the house refused, by the vote of ninety-two to seventeen, to rescind the circular, when, as the penalty, the governor first prorogued and then dissolved the legislature. This question was declared to have been the most important which an American assembly had ever acted on. As this magnificent "No" of Massachusetts resounded through the colonies, it elicited a response which filled the hearts of the Boston patriots with joy. It showed a spirit of unity in the colonies in support of common rights. "The action of the other colonies," Hutchinson wrote, "keeps up the spirit of our demagogues. I am told Adams and Cooper say it is the most glorious day they ever saw."

The decision of the ministry to station a British force in Boston was made before the June riot. On

the 8th of this month, Lord Hillsborough ordered General Gage, who commanded the king's forces in America, to send at least one regiment to Boston, and to garrison Castle William; and, on the 11th, Lord Hillsborough advised Bernard of this measure, saying it had been done " upon the most mature consideration of what had been represented by himself (Bernard) and the commissioners of the customs." In an elaborate despatch, dated the 30th of July, Lord Hillsborough directed Bernard to institute an inquiry into the conduct of any persons who had committed any act of overt resistance to the laws, with the view of arresting them, and transporting them to England for trial in the King's Bench.

Meantime the commissioners had made the June riot the occasion of a demand on General Gage for the protection of troops, and on Commodore Hood for additional men-of-war. The general was evidently surprised at the silence of the governor, but immediately tendered to him all the force for which he (Bernard) might make a requisition. But the governor declined to make such requisition, and wrote to Gage, "My not applying for troops is no argument that they are not wanted. It is above three months ago since I informed the secretary of state of my situation, and utter inability to preserve the peace of the town, or support the authority of Government; but the letter went too late to expect an answer by this mail. I must beg that you will keep this letter to yourself as much as you can; that is, wholly so on this side of the water, for obvious reasons." The commissioners succeeded better with Hood, who immediately, on receiving their request,

sent two more ships to Boston. This prompt action, he said, secured the castle from all attempts at a surprise, though Hutchinson thought there would have been no danger of such a consummate piece of Quixotism, if there had not been a man-of-war in America.1

As additional ships appeared in the harbor, and reports multiplied that military power was to be used to enforce the new revenue laws and the violations of the right of internal Government, there was roused the traditionary English hatred of standing armies, which had ever been mercenary instruments of despotic power; and the people were very bitter and suspicious towards all whom they supposed to be concerned in the applications for troops. There is no report of any saying of Warren in this hour of passion. A like fiery spirit, his friend Josiah Quincy, jun., said, "Before all the freeborn sons of the North will yield a general and united submission to any tyrannic power on earth, fire and sword, famine and slaughter, desolation and ruin, will ravage the land."" The intrepid Samuel Adams said, "Before the king and parliament shall dragoon us, and we become

1 Hutchinson wrote, July 27, 1768, "Four of the commissioners of the customs thought themselves in danger, and took shelter in the castle. Some people were so foolish as to say that they might be taken from thence, and we have had the castle surrounded ever since with men-of-war. We have such people among us : but an attempt upon the castle would be the most consummate piece of Quixotism; and, mad as we are, I cannot think we are mad enough for it, if there had not been a man-of-war in America. Mobs, a sort of them at least, are constitutional, and we have reason enough to fear mobs; and our misfortune is, that the authority of Government is so weak, that we are not able to check them when they rise, but are forced to leave them to their natural course. We cannot continue a great while in this state. Government must be aided from without, or else it must entirely subside."

2 Life of Josiah Quincy, jun., 16.

slaves, we will take up arms, and spend our last drop of blood." The calm Andrew Eliot said, "You cannot conceive of our distress,-to have a standing army! What can be worse to a people who have tasted the sweets of liberty?" In a letter it was said, "We are frequently threatened with a naval and military force to execute the late acts of parliament; but fifty thousand troops, with fifty men-of-war, will never be able to oblige us to import, buy, or consume English goods." Hutchinson said, "Many of the common people were in a frenzy, and talked of dying in defence of their liberties," while "too many above the vulgar countenanced and encouraged them.”

It is a curious coincidence, that, at the time (July 30), Lord Hillsborough was justifying this use of force, on the ground that "Boston was in the possession of a licentious and unrestrained mob," so that neither the council nor the House of Representatives could proceed in their deliberations with the freedom that was incident to their constitution, the council, containing friends of the Administration, unanimously decided against making any application for troops, on the ground that the civil power did not need them. This decision was made in July, when the governor, first enjoining an oath of secrecy, laid before a very full council a formal tender, by General Gage, of troops, when they should be called for. Bernard, in advising Lord Barrington of this vote, says (July 30), "Though I was prepared for this answer, I was not for the high strain of the present popularity with which this question was treated; from whence I am convinced that I am no longer to de

1 American Gazette, 127, in a letter, dated Boston, Aug. 18, 1768.