manry in this parish. We have but few persons of affluence; but they cheerfully contributed. . . . This is considered by us not as a gift, or an act of charity, but of justice to those who are bravely standing in the gap between us and slavery, defending the common interest of the whole continent. . . . We can with truth assure you, gentlemen, that, in this quarter, we are engaged, to a man, in your defence, and in defence of the common cause. We are ready to communicate of our substance largely, as your necessities require; and, with our estates, to give our lives, and mingle our blood with yours, in the common sacrifice to liberty."1 Throughout the province, ordinary pursuits gave way to the duty which engrossed all minds and stirred all hearts; for the great business of the hour was organization, in compliance with the recommendations of the Continental and the Provincial Congresses. The inhabitants, in their several towns, now signed agreements to meet for military drill, elected officers, and entered into pledges to obey, at a minute's warning, a summons to take the field. These bands of citizen-soldiers, on parade days, repaired to the churches, where the village pastor prayed for strength from on High; and the village Hampdens uttered the exhortation to fight to the last, if need be, for the ancient liberties.2 1 This letter was printed in the journals in December. 2 We hear from Cohasset (the only free port in the county of Suffolk), that, on the 17th of last month, the military company in that place appeared in the field, lodged their arms, and marched to the meeting-house. Their officers then voluntarily resigned their commissions; a moderator and clerk were chosen ; after which, the Rev. Mr. Browne, by desire of the moderator, made a prayer, and delivered an animated speech on the exigencies of the times. They then sang the former part of the 44th Psalm, and proceeded to the choice of officers, The national spirit of the time is embodied in the following song, which is ascribed to Warren,1 and was printed this year in the newspapers: A SONG ON LIBERTY. To the tune of the "British Grenadier." That seat of science, Athens, and earth's proud mistress, Rome, Proud Albion bowed to Cæsar, and numerous hosts before, We led fair Freedom hither, and lo! the desert smiled; Torn from a world of tyrants, beneath this western sky The world shall own we're freemen here, and such will ever be. God bless this maiden climate, and through her vast domain when the three worthy gentlemen who had lately borne commissions were unanimously chosen to be their leaders. They cheerfully accepted the trust, fully sensible that all authority under God is derived constitutionally from the people. Mass. Gazette, Dec. 16, 1774. " 1 Duyckinck's Cyclopedia, i. 443. 2 I copy this song from the "Massachusetts Spy" of May 26, 1774. It differs in arrangement, and materially in sentiment, from the copy in Duyckinck's 'Cyclopedia of American Literature," vol. i. 443. It is said here of Warren, "His 'Free America,' written not long before his lamented death, shows that he possessed facility as a versifier." CHAPTER XIII. WARREN'S SECOND ORATION. WARREN AND THE COMMITTEES. THE STRUGGLE IN EUROPE. - THE POSITION OF MASSACHUSETTS. FRANKLIN AND THE MINISTRY. MILITARY PREPARATIONS. THE SECOND PROVINCIAL CONGRESS. THE COMMITTEE OF SAFETY. — PUBLIC OPINION. -WARREN'S SECOND ORATION. 1775. JANUARY TO MARCH. "I AM convinced that our existence as a free people absolutely depends on acting with spirit and vigor. The ministry are even yet doubtful whether we are in earnest when we declare our intention to preserve our liberty." These words were written by Warren, and he was interpreting them by efficient action. The journals of the committee of public safety show clearly enough the nature of some of his service. One of the January votes was, "that Dr. Warren be desired to wait on Colonel Robinson," in relation to securing certain brass cannon and seveninch mortars; and they ordered supplies of arms and ammunition to be deposited at Concord and Worcester.2 The inspection committee, on which Warren was placed by the town, grew directly out of the action of the Continental Congress. It is stated in the Boston journals of the 5th of January, "that all the southern provinces have heartily adopted the reso 1 Letter, Feb. 10, 1775. 2 Journals of the Committee of Safety. lutions of the late respectable Continental Congress, and are taking proper steps to carry them into full execution;" and, a few days later (Jan. 9), it is reported that the assemblies of Rhode Island, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, and Maryland had met, and taken steps to carry the whole of these measures into execution. It is added, "In the other colonies, where the assemblies have not yet met, they are all with vigor and unanimity exerting themselves in the same important and glorious cause; so that, it is thought, there never was framed a set of human laws that were more strictly and religiously observed than these will be." When petitioners of Marshfield applied to General Gage for leave to hold a meeting "according to the Act of Parliament," Samuel Adams wrote in a letter, "They will be dealt with according to the law of the Continental Congress, the laws of which are more observed throughout this continent than any man's laws whatever." It was one of the duties of the inspection committees and the committees of correspondence to see that the non-importation agreement was strictly observed; and the newspapers contain many advertisements of cargoes of vessels to be sold by auction, under the direction of these committees, and "agreeably to the American Congress Association." In some instances, freight in vessels that had violated this agreement was thrown overboard, which was the case with an invoice of salt, coal, and tiles that arrived at Charleston, South Carolina; the committee being present. The progress of events in America, made known through the press, was attracting more and more the attention of the political world. The British minister ee at the Court of Vienna, Sir John Murray Keith, wrote, There is not a man of sense in Europe who does not think, that the question now in agitation between Great Britain and her colonies is one of the most important, as well as most singular, that has been canvassed for many centuries."1 The Americans, who had to meet this question, uttered the same sentiment in private letters, in official papers, and through the press. Well might a looker-on, far away from the din of the struggle, pronounce the question "most singular;" for the authoritative voices of the two American centres of action-the Continental Congress, and the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts were not only disclaiming a desire of independence, but were professing affectionate fealty to the king. The men who spoke for Massachusetts were solemnly pronouncing the controversy to be a calamity, and were ordering that prayers be offered to Almighty God, "that his blessing might rest upon all the British Empire, upon George III., their rightful king, and upon all the royal family, that they might all be great and lasting blessings to the world."2 It ought ever to be borne in mind, that, from the beginning of the controversy, the people of Massachusetts made no demands on the sovereignty for an extension of popular power. The following candid, temperate, and just summary of their past action and position was printed in the "Philadelphia Journal" of the 1st of January, 1775: "The people of Massachusetts have hitherto acted purely on the defensive: 1 Keith's Memoirs, ii. 35; Letter, Jan. 21, 1775. 2 Vote of the Provincial Congress, Feb. 16, 1775, recommending a day of fasting and prayer. |