It was the custom of this patriot to watch the rise of every brilliant genius, seek his acquaintance, court his friendship, and enlist him as a co-worker in the common cause;1 and there were two characters in Boston, who, John Adams said, after he had served in congress, were as great, in proportion to their age, as he had ever known in America. One was Josiah Quincy, jun., and the other was Warren. "They were both my intimate friends," Adams says, ee with whom I lived and conversed with pleasure and advantage. I was animated by them in the painful, dangerous course of opposition to the oppressions brought upon our country."2 Warren was a young man whom nature had adorned with grace and manly beauty, and a courage that would have been rash absurdity, had it not been tempered by self-control." Samuel Adams found in him a kindred spirit. Both respected the common capacity, estimated alike the greatness of the political issues, embraced similar vital principles, and strove for the same object. Both, with faith in an ultimate triumph of the right, had the moral courage that bears up in the day of weakness, and the patience in labor that waits for the day of strength. Both acted fearlessly on their convictions. Both were representative men,- one personifying more a peculiar theological element; and the other, more a passionate nationality. What though Warren had the fascination that marks the true man of the world, and Adams had the rigid inflexibility that has caused him to be regarded as the last of the Puritans; and what though one was naturally inclined 1 John Adams's Works, x. 364. 2 John Adams's Letter, July 29, 1775. 3 Bancroft, v. 441. to cultivate the things that charm in social life, and the other was moved to shun, if not to despise, luxury and display: both were gentle, kind, and generous; both were sincere and self-sacrificing; the hearts of both beat in unison for a common cause; and both were inspired by visions of the future glory of their country. They became bosom friends. "Their kindred souls were so closely twined that they both felt one joy, both one affection." Warren proved a trustworthy counsellor, on whom Adams ever leaned, and could always rely; and they labored lovingly together in the great revolutionary action of Boston and Massachusetts, until Warren sealed his work with his blood, and the heart of Adams poured itself out like water over the early grave of his friend. 1 Perez Morton's Eulogy. CHAPTER III. CONNECTION WITH THE PRESS. THE TOWNSHEnd Revenue ACTS. FRANCIS BERNARD.-WARREN OP- 1767 TO MARCH 1768. IT has been remarked, that the great authority and influence which Warren exercised over his fellowcitizens, in the latter part of his life, evidently show that he had taken an active part in political affairs from the commencement of his residence in Boston; though, as the foreground of the stage was occupied by the great men who were the fathers of the Revolution, his activity must have been confined to a secondary sphere.1 There was an intermission in the controversy between Great Britain and her colonies, on the repeal of the Stamp Act; and at this period Warren's name does not occur in connection with public affairs. In 1767, the Townshend Revenue Acts were passed,. which imposed duties on paper, glass, painter's colors, and tea; created a Board of Customs; and legalized Writs of Assistance. These measures, with the doings of crown-officials, who acted under royal instructions, which were declared to have the force of law, constituted a system of arbitrary power. 1 Everett's Warren, 106. At this time, Francis Bernard was the Governor of Massachusetts. He was born in England, educated at Oxford, and, with the knowledge and training in civil affairs acquired as a solicitor at Doctors' Commons, was appointed Governor of New Jersey; and, after two years of service in that colony, was transferred to Massachusetts. He was a scholar, and kept fresh his memory of Alma Mater. He loved literature and science, could write elegies in Latin and Greek, used to say that he could repeat the whole of Shakspeare, and had gifts of conversation which charmed the social circle. His politics were of the Oxford school. He was a good hater of republican institutions; habitually spoke of the local government, with its recognition of popular rights, as a trained mob; and deemed it a marvel that Charles II. had not made a clean sweep of the little New-England republics, as he characterized these provinces, and had not supplied their place with more aristocratic governments, with executives having vice-regal powers, moulded, as nearly as possible, like that of England. He thought, that though people might bluster a little when such reform was proposed, yet they never would resist by force; and, if they did, a demonstration of British power, such as the presence of the king's troops in a few coast-towns, and the occupation of a few harbors by the royal navy, would soon settle the contest.1 Bernard, in September, 1767, before receiving officially the new Revenue Acts, sketched the state of things in Boston, in the following terms in one of his letters: "Never were people more divided in opin 1 Letter, Aug. 30, 1767. ions, hopes, and fears, than those of Boston now are. Men of a timid complexion give up the town, and expect greater disturbances than have been hitherto; and at the same time wish for troops to protect them, and are afraid of their coming here. Others persuade themselves that the gentlemen of the town will be able to keep it quiet, and defeat the purposes of the faction. I believe there is a great deal of pains taken to prevent mischief. On the other hand, the faction is as indefatigable in promoting it. The minds of the common people are poisoned to a great degree; so that (to use an expression of one of their own partisans) their bloods are set on boiling. It is a melancholic consideration that this rich and populous town should be thus distracted and disgraced by a set of desperadoes (perhaps not a dozen), whose own ruined or insignificant fortunes make the distraction of their country a matter of indifference to them; who, having themselves little to lose, are unconcerned at the consequences of a contest which they are desirous of bringing about, and must be fatal to persons of real worth and property." This letter supplies a glimpse of the British official, as well as a view of opinion in Boston; and shows how little he appreciated the men or the spirit of his time. To him, a band of enlightened patriots, who represented not merely the aims of a town, but of a great and free people, appeared but a criminal faction advocating a ruinous cause. A few months later, he named Warren as one of the chiefs of the faction which he described. The divisions in the popular ranks, which were noticed by Bernard, had their origin in the different 1 Bernard to Lord Shelburne, Sept. 21, 1767. |