a whole continent to a sense of their danger, and afforded them the needed wisdom and fortitude to lay hold on the means of their redemption from the most debasing and insupportable slavery. The ample declaration of the resolution of our brethren at Newport, whose example, we flatter ourselves, will persuade the colonies, assures us of the advice and assistance of that respectable people, when the aid of either shall be required. A frequent and full communication of our sentiments upon every occasion you judge requisite will much gratify us. By such communication throughout the colonies, the honest party will become initiated in the necessary means of recovering and securing their greatly infringed rights. The present dispute inflames millions. Even in the infant colony of West Florida, we find the flame of patriotism kindled, and making progress. It behooves us, brethren, to be steady and determined; to possess ourselves with a thorough understanding of every article of our invaluable rights; and to embrace the opportunity, which cannot be far distant, of having them established on a firm foundation. Unanimity and harmony, in such a momentous undertaking, will, with God's blessing, ensure its success. The Province of New Hampshire seems thoroughly in earnest to second their brethren in every laudable measure for the recovery and security of their liberty; and even the distressed Canadians hope for relief from our exertions. Happy shall we be, if, in so noble, so righteous a struggle, we finally prevail; glorious, should we even miscarry. We are, gentlemen, your most humble servants, WILLIAM COOPER, Clerk. This letter is one of the many utterances which show the common faith in a righteous cause; and the hope of its triumph was based on the union there seemed to be growing in support of it from "the infant colony of West Florida" to "the distressed Canadians." The thought, wrought into verse, appeared at the head of a spirited communication in the "Boston Gazette: " "From Florida, where heat intensely reigns, ee One mortal flame through every breast may spread, The writer, as he contemplated the time when the sword might supersede the pen, said, in this appeal, There is no time to be lost. A congress or a meeting of the States is indispensable. Let the Gordian knot be tied, and whatsoever the people shall do shall prosper." The reliance was not in the feeble arm of a single colony, but in a people united into a common nationality. same. The view taken of the effect of the destruction of the tea, by the two great exponents of their several parties, Hutchinson and Adams, was essentially the Hutchinson said that it had created a new union among the patriots.2 Samuel Adams wrote, "The ministry could not have devised a more effectual measure to unite the colonies. Our committee have on this occasion opened a correspondence with the other New-England colonies, besides New York and Philadelphia. Old jealousies are removed, and perfect harmony subsists between them." The act was looked upon as necessary to the union of the colonies; or, more exactly, to unite "the honest party" or the national party. In fine, the destruction of the tea was one of those events, rare in the life of nations, which, occurring in a peculiar state of public opinion, serve to wrest public affairs from the control of men, however wise or great, and cast them into the irresisible current of ideas. If, in America, it so awakened a whole continent to such a sense of 1 Boston Gazette, Dec. 27, 1773. 2 Letter, January, 1774. 8 Letter to James Warren, Dec. 28, 1773. danger, that there seemed to be a general inspiration, created by the Almighty Disposer of events, in England it roused and angered the intensest of nationalities. Even those classed the friends of America pronounced the act to be rebellion. Singularly enough, the only statesman in power, who characterized the deed accurately, was Lord Dartmouth, who termed it a "commotion." As the destruction of the tea was a blow aimed at the policy of the Administration, and not at the national sovereignty, the patriots expected to see their friends vindicate it in England. It was long held, even by Samuel Adams, that, as the principle, which, developed, would entail arbitrary power in America, would undermine public liberty in England, the liberal party there would persist in their efforts until there was a change of measures. This view is often expressed in the journals. The broadside, issued in New York, relating to the destruction of the tea, for instance, closed with the following verse: "The making Boston harbor into tea, And those who made, and helped to make it, Nor one true Briton will refuse to take it."1 On the reception of the same intelligence in Philadelphia, "A New Song" appeared in the newspapers, describing the event, one verse of which was:— "Squash into the deep descended, Cursed weed of China's coast: 1 Handbill in New-York Hist. Soc. Collections. Candid Tories, even after the destruction of the tea, conceded that the people were as loyal subjects as any in the British dominions. Isaac Royall was one of this class. He had long been in political life, lived in princely style at Medford, a town about five miles from Boston, where, as a man of the world, he dispensed a generous hospitality. He had an uncommonly wide intercourse with men of all parties, and seems to have understood the aims of his countrymen. He wrote (Jan. 18, 1774) to Lord Dartmouth as follows: "I have been of His Majesty's Council and House of Representatives here thirty years without intermission, the last twenty of which has been at the council board. I firmly believe this people to be as truly loyal to His Majesty, as cordially affected to the illustrious House of Hanover, and as ardently desirous that there may never be wanting one of that august family to sway the British sceptre until time shall be no more, as any of his subjects in all his extended dominions. Please to observe, sir, however, that I don't pretend to justify any disturbances which have [been], although they are not more nor greater perhaps than often occur in large and free governments." This may be set against the whole of the diatribes of the lower tier of Tory scribblers. Samuel Adams now said of the patriots, "They wish for nothing more than a permanent union with her (the mother-country) upon the condition of equal liberty. This is all they have been contending for; and nothing short of this will or ought to satisfy them:" and, months later, in October, Washington said that he did not know a man in the colonies who desired independence. 1 1 MSS. Mass. Hist. Society. that The charge, however, continued to be kept up, the patriots intended to deny British sovereignty; that the destruction of the tea was a proof of it; and that an army was necessary to retain the colonies in subjection. The period of five months following this act-December to May was one of deep and even painful interest. In all mouths were the questions, What measures will the ministry take? Will they destroy the trade of Boston? Will they arrest the popular leaders? Will they annul the charter of Massachusetts? Will they resort to military rule?1 As solutions of these questions were awaited, time passed heavily on. John Adams wrote (April 9), Still! silent as midnight! The first vessels may bring us tidings which will erect the crests of the Tories again, and depress the spirits of the Whigs;" and such was the calmness, that he said, "There is not spirit enough on either side to bring the question to a complete decision." 2 The calmness was the "boding" quiet in which those who feel themselves the objects of inevitable calamity await the result in anxious silence, uncertain when or where the work of ruin is to begin, or by what means it is to be avoided.3 The Tory threat of introducing an army, or of arresting the popular leaders, did not stop the work of organization by the Whigs. The journals said that the committees never had so much business on their hands; and the committee of correspondence was uncommonly active. A town-meeting was held in the spring to provide for the annual commemoration of the massacre. Samuel Adams was the 1 John Adams's Works, ii. 324. 2 Ib. ix. 337. |