ing with a rapid progress to complete the triumph of freedom in America: the hand of Providence is evidently working out our political salvation. Expe rience has taught Americans their strength and importance among the nations, and wisdom has now led them to adopt a plan of union." One nationality was the inspiring and elevating thought. "No people," it was said, "that ever trod the stage of the world have had so glorious a prospect as rises before the Americans. There is nothing good or great but their wisdom may acquire; and to what heights they will arrive in the progress of time no one can conceive."

The demand for a congress of all the colonies was frequently made in the press and on festive occasions. An elaborate essay, by a Philadelphian, is reprinted in the "Gazette" of the 15th of March, filling a side and a half, which recommends a congress, in order to form a court like that of the Amphictyons of Greece. A spirited appeal in this paper of the 2d of August urges a meeting of American States. "Britons, attend! Americans, give ear!" are its words: "the people of this continent are awakened by the cause of liberty, and are now forming plans to preserve it in perfection to future ages. There should be a meeting of American States, composed of members chosen by the several houses of representatives in the colonies, to consider what measures will most effectually preserve the liberties and promote the prosperity of America. Let every man of sentiment and patriotism rouse up his genius."

The Fourteenth of August, the anniversary of the uprising against the Stamp Act, was celebrated with

great spirit, when a large procession marched from Boston to Roxbury. A "union flag" floated over the tent in which the company had their entertainment; and among the toasts were, "The patriotic House of Burgesses of our ancient sister colony of Virginia." -"A constitutional and permanent union of the colonies in North America."-"The Sons of Liberty throughout America."

I have nothing to relate of Warren especially, until he acted with his brother patriots on the tea-question. His name is not connected with the publication of the letters of Hutchinson and others, supplying proofs of their agency in introducing arbitrary power, which created great excitement. Nor is there any identification of his contributions to the press, though there is much matter written in his style. For instance, a communication in the "Gazette" (Sept. 27), signed W., is in the same elevated tone of citations already made. "It must awaken," are the words, "all the feelings of humanity to behold a prospect of liberty for the many millions who compose our growing empire, and entail it to future ages: this is a blessing for which we cannot too long and too earnestly contend; and I trust all future generations will bless the present for their manly exertions in so noble a cause. We long wandered in uncertainty, and our motions were eccentric; but we have now reduced American policy to a system (first formed by our vigilant brethren of Virginia), the grand principles of which are, that a constant correspondence shall be maintained between the colonies, and nothing important be transacted without consulting the whole."

Hutchinson's letters of this period are very volu

minous. He had much to say of "the grand incendiary," Samuel Adams. "Our principal incendiary," he wrote, "has a great deal of low art and cunning;" and he related the success of the scheme of forming committees of correspondence. He said (July 10), "We have now subsisting in this province, committees of correspondence in most of the towns of the province; committees of the house and council to correspond with their respective agents, to effect the removal of the governor and lieutenant-governor, and for other purposes; a committee of correspondence of the house to concert with committees of correspondence, with other assemblies, and to give information." He was in hopes the colonies would not unite in the proposed measure of a congress; was much cheered, after a trip into the country, to find the excitement which the publication of his letters occasioned had subsided; and he wrote (Sept. 6), "In a late journey to the remote parts of the province, I was surprised to find the flame, which had spread so universally, so soon and so generally extinguished."

Soon after the statement in the press, just cited, of a general understanding that the patriots of one colony would transact nothing important without consulting the patriots of the other colonies, reached through inter-colonial committees of correspondence, or a national party organization, it was announced that there was to be an insidious importation of tea, on which the duty had been retained. I need go no further into general history than to state, that the king resolved to try the question with America by this tax; and, at his suggestion, an act was passed by parlia

ment, authorizing the East-India Company to export tea to America, duty free in England, but subject to the existing threepence tax in America, which was to be paid into the national treasury by the company's agents. It was designed in this way to collect the duty, and obtain a recognition of the supremacy of parliament.

The fact was announced in a Philadelphia journal (Sept. 29), in a letter from London, (dated Aug. 4), as follows: "The East-India Company have come to a resolution to send six hundred chests of tea to Philadelphia, and the like quantity to New York and Boston; and their intention, I understand, is to have warehouses, and sell by public sale four times a year, as they do here." The company, on receiving the requisite license, made consignments of teas simultaneously to Charleston, Philadelphia, New York, and Boston; and selected certain persons in each of these ports to act as consignees, or, as they were called, tea commissioners. This new, practical issue turned discussion at once from questions having mainly a local bearing, as that of the judges' salaries, royal instructions, and the star-chamber commission in Rhode Island, to the original question of taxation, which bore directly on all the colonies.

All America was in a flame about this insidious tea importation. The political matter in the press now

1 A British officer at New York, in a letter to a person in London, dated Nov. 1, 1773, says, “ All America is in a flame on account of the tea exportation. The New Yorkers, as well as the Bostonians and Philadelphians, are, it seems, determined that no tea shall be landed. They have published a paper, in numbers, called the "Alarm." It begins first with "dear countrymen," and then goes on exhorting them to open their eyes, and, like sons of Liberty, throw off all connection with the tyrant, their mother-country. They have, on this occasion, raised a company of artillery, and every day almost are practising at a target.

became more abundant than ever. Differences of opinion are seen as to the way the duty on the tea was to be paid. "We know," it was said, "that on a certificate of its being landed here, the tribute is, by an agreement, to be paid in London. Landing, therefore, is the point in view; and every nerve will be strained to obtain it." It was asked in New York, "Are the Americans such blockheads as to care whether it be a hot red poker or a red hot poker which they are to swallow, provided Lord North forces them to swallow one of the two?" At that time, political science had not devised written constitutions creating tribunals with powers like the supreme courts of the States, and the United States, to relieve the people from the operation of palpably unconstitutional acts; and the only thing practicable was to follow in popular action, the irregular mode, which had been so long customary in England. In this way it was determined to thwart the designs of the East-India Company.

Public opinion was first brought to bear on the consignees. An able hand-bill was circulated in Philadelphia, headed, "By uniting we stand; by dividing

Their independent companies are out at exercise every day. The minds of the lower people are inflamed by the examples of some of their principals. They swear that they will burn every ship that comes in; but I believe our six and twelve-pounders, with the Royal Welsh Fusiliers, will prevent any thing of that kind." This was printed in the newspapers.

1 James Otis, in his "Rights of the British Colonies of 1764," says that the courts had this power. "The equity and justice of a bill," he says, p. 41, "may be questioned with perfect submission to the legislature. Reasons may be given why an act ought to be repealed, and yet obedience must be yielded to it till that repeal takes place. If the reasons that can be given against an act are such as plainly demonstrate that it is against natural equity, the executive courts will adjudge such act void. It may be questioned by some, though I make no doubt of it, whether they are not obliged by their oaths to adjudge such act void."