"included

of the rebellion," and which Bancroft says the whole revolution." He moved, "That a committee of correspondence be appointed, to consist of twenty-one persons, to state "the rights of the colonists, and of this province in particular, as men, as Christians, and as subjects; to communicate and publish the same to the several towns in this province and to the world, as the sense of this town, with the infringements and violations thereof that have been, or from time to time may be made; also requesting of each town a free communication of their sentiments on this subject."-"This motion was carried, nemine contradicente." When the names of Hancock, Cushing, and Phillips, representatives, and Austin and Scollay, selectmen, with others, were announced as members of this committee, they declined; not because they were opposed to the measure, but on the ground that their private business would not admit of their acceptance. The committee are recorded in the following order: James Otis, Samuel Adams, Joseph Warren, Benjamin Church, William Dennie, William Greenleaf, Joseph Greenleaf, Thomas Young, William Powell, Nathaniel Appleton, Oliver Wendell, John Sweetser, Josiah Quincy, John Bradford, Richard Boynton, William Mackay, Nathaniel Barber, Caleb Davis, Alexander Hill, William Molineux, Robert Pierpont. The committee were requested "to report to the town as soon as may be;" when the meeting adjourned.

Bancroft says of the three first names, "The name of James Otis, who was now but a wreck of himself, appears first on the list, as a tribute to former services. The two most important members were Samuel

Adams and Joseph Warren: the first now recognized as a masterly statesman and the ablest political writer in New England; the second, a rare combination of gentleness with daring courage, of respect for law with the all-controlling love of liberty. The two men never failed each other, -the one growing old, the other in youthful manhood; thinking one set of thoughts; having one heart for their country; joining in one career of policy and action; differing only in this, that, while Warren still clung to the hope of conciliation, Adams ardently desired, as well as clearly foresaw, the conflict for independence."

This committee, until it was in a measure superseded by the committee of safety, was the executive power of the popular party of Boston, and, indeed, virtually of the whole province. It proceeded with a vigor and efficiency, and yet with a caution, rarely witnessed in political action. It organized, at its first meeting (Nov. 3), by choosing James Otis chairman, and William Cooper clerk. Its members gave to each other the pledge of honor, "not to divulge any part of their conversation at their meetings to any person whatsoever, excepting what the committee itself should make known." It immediately arranged for the preparation of the report which it was instructed to make to the town; assigning to Adams the general exposition of the rights of the colonies, to Warren the specification of the violation of these rights, and to Church the framing of a circular letter, to be addressed to the towns.1

Governor Hutchinson informed Lord Dartmouth of the appointment of the committee, on the day it

1 Bancroft's History, vi. 481.

entered upon its labors, and stated the objects of the town-meeting that created it; and, ten days later, he expressed further views relative to the meeting and the character of the committee. The reckless faction in the town, he said, had pleased themselves with hopes of fresh disturbances out of the question of the judges' salaries; they had taken the usual first step, of a town-meeting, which was brought on with an intent to raise a general flame. On the 3d of November, he was not apprehensive that this design would succeed; and, on the 13th, he expressed still more pointedly the opinion that the movement would fail. "Hitherto," he says of the popular leaders, "they have fallen much short of their expectation, and, even in this town, have not been able to revive the old spirit of mobbing; and the only dependence left is to keep up a correspondence through the province, by committees of the several towns, which is such a foolish scheme that they must make themselves ridiculous." He thus laid out his own course. In common times, he said, he should have refused any other answer to the town's petition than to acquaint it, that the purpose for which it assembled was not lawful; but he thought it best not to irritate. "I immediately," he says, "prorogued the court (the journals say to the 6th of January), and sooner than I otherwise should have done, to show them that I would not give the least encouragement to their unwarrantable doings, there being no law to support towns in transacting any other business than what is of public concernment to the towns; but the inhabitants of Boston, like the livery of London, have been for a long time used to concern themselves with all the affairs

of Government." The governor ought to have remembered, that the customs of a people are a part of their liberties. On the 13th, he indulged in a strain of disparaging remark on the members of the committee. "Strange," he says, "that a Government, which, within a century, was so pure as to suffer no person to be free of their commonwealth who was not one of their church-members, should now take for their leaders men who openly contemn all religion, and should join deacons and atheists in one trust, and that they should be instigated to this by some of the clergy who make the highest pretence to devotion; and yet the spirit of political party produces all this." Strange that Hutchinson could write apparently unconscious that the spirit of party was shading his pen-drawing; and strange, too, that representations similar to what this letter contained should have been read to the king, and made the basis of cabinet action.

On this day (Nov. 3), Samuel Adams sent to Arthur Lee, who was in London, his view of Hutchinson's course. Adams gave an assurance that the body of a long-insulted people would bear insult and oppression no longer than until they felt in themselves strength to shake off the yoke; and, if they had not gathered so fully as formerly in town-meet

1 Hutchinson wrote to Lord Hillsborough, May 29, 1772, “The meetings of that town (Boston) being constituted of the lowest class of the people, under the influence of a few of the higher class, but of intemperate and furious dispositions and of desperate fortunes, men of property and of the best characters have deserted these meetings, where they are sure of being affronted. By the constitution, forty pounds sterling, which they say may be in clothes, household furniture, or any sort of property, is qualification enough; and even into that there is scarce any inquiry, and every thing with the appearance of a man is admitted without scrutiny."

ings, it was "partly from the opinion of some that there was no method left to be taken but the last: which was also the opinion of many in the country." And he characterized the leading Tories around him as "the most artful, plausible, and insinuating men, and some of them the most malicious enemies of the common rights of mankind." His thought ran on the nature of free governments, and the indignity of submission to arbitrary power; and his maledictions were upon those who were plotting the ruin of American liberties. On the next day (Nov. 4), in a letter to James Warren, besides hoping "that Mother Plymouth would see her way clear to have a meeting to second Boston," which "had thought proper to take what the Tories apprehend to be leading steps," he said, he had neither time nor inclination to take up his thoughts in complaining of tyrants or tyranny; for it was more than time this country was rid of both. His words are, "We have long had it thrown in our faces, that the country in general is under no such fears of slavery, but are well pleased with the measures of administration."-"Whenever the friends of the country shall be assured of each other's sentiments, that spirit which is necessary will not be wanting."

As the sub-committee were at work on their report, Adams received (Nov. 10) a letter from Elbridge Gerry, who said, "The steps taken by our vigilant metropolis, I am well assured, will succeed; but, should they fail, the merit of those worthies who oppose the strides of tyranny will not be diminished; neither would their being overpowered by numbers alter the heroism of their conduct." The reply of