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imposition. The landdrost, after receiving the statement of the missionary, still persisted, nevertheless, in supporting the unjust claims of the colonists, and reiterated his demand that the young women should be given up to him. An appeal was then made to the colonial government in favour of the girls, by the missionary, containing circumstantial details. No attempt was made by the colonial government to controvert this statement; but the only communication which he received in answer to his appeal, was a confirmation of an official note received from Colonel Cuyler, stating that no Hottentots were to be received into the institution of Bethelsdorp, without a permission, in writing, signed by that functionary. And thus the exemplary conduct of the missionary, which had well entitled him to the approbation of the colonial government, was the occasion of depriving the institution and the oppressed Hottentots of the district of one of their most invaluable privileges."--pp. 181, 182.

The author's remarks on the unjust taxation of the Missionary Institutions, are equally forcible and just. Their perpetual enemy, Col. Cuyler, seems to have rejoiced in this opportunity of annoying the poor Hottentots. It seems to have been entirely a scheme, invented for the purpose of dispersing them, and forcing them to enter into the service of the boors. These were the only alternatives left for those to whom the country once belonged to become bondmen and slaves in the land of their fore

fathers, or to perish in a prison,

worse than the Black-hole at Calcutta, and called by the colonists a Trunk. The lamentable state to which the institutions were thus reduced cannot be better expressed than in the author's own words:

"On the visit of the deputation to Bethelsdorp, we found that institution in a deplorable condition. The system of oppression, of which Dr. Vanderkemp so bitterly complained, and under which he sunk into his grave with a broken heart, had been carried on for years without a single check. The institution was virtually converted into a slave lodge, and the people were called out to labour at Uitenhage, to work on the public roads, to cultivate the lands of the local autho

rities, or to serve their friends, or the colonial government, receiving for these labours never more than a trifling remuneration, and very frequently none at all. In addition to the daily oppressions exercised upon the people, we found that seventy of the men had been employed for six months in the Caffer war. For this service they received nothing but rations for themselves: nothing in the shape of wages was allowed to their families; and the women, to keep themselves and children from starving, were under the necessity of contracting debts among the farmers, to be liquidated by the personal service of the husbands on their returning from Cafferland. To these circumstances I must refer for the cause of the deplorable condition in which the deputation found the spiritual and temporal affairs of this mission. In such a state of wretchedness, we could neither look for cleanliness nor industry: robbed of the fruits of their industry, the people had no motive to labour, and the place of worship was deserted.

"On the arrival of the deputation at the institution, no Hottentot came to bid us welcome: the men were driven to a state of

desperation; the countenances of the women were marked with the deepest dejection. The people generally declared that servitude among the farmers was preferable to their condition at Bethelsdorp, and I was assured that another year of the hopeless

wretchedness in which they were plunged, would have furnished their enemies with the triumph they now anticipated. To save the institution, immediate measures were necessary: a suitable missionary and a new system were required; but the ranks of our missionaries had been thinned by the colonial government, and we had no one to whom we could confide the important affairs of this institution, with any hope of improvement."-pp. 201, 202.

The means adopted by the Deputation seems to have effected a great improvement in the condition of the Hottentots; yet, while the oppressions of the colonial government remain, this must be greatly retarded. Dr. Philip gives the following interesting extract of a letter from Thomas Pringle, Esq. Secretary to the Society for the Mitigation and gradual Abolition of Slavery, dated March, 1825 :

""I am glad to find my own sentiments respecting Bethelsdorp corroborated by so important an evidence as Sir Richard Plasket. He visited Bethelsdorp about ten days before me, in company with the landdrost, Colonel Cuyler, and expressed himself, as I was informed, highly pleased with the appearance and good order of the institution; adding that, it was evident, that if any thing had been done for the Hottentot race, it had been done by the missionaries. Even Colonel Cuyler bore a reluctant testimony to the improvements at Bethelsdorp, which he had not visited for two years preceding. I hear that Sir Richard expressed his opinion in

favour of Bethelsdorp, also, very strongly to the governor at Graham's Town, urged him to visit the institution. He has not, however, been successful; for Lord Charles Somerset has passed Bethelsdorp, both in going and returning, within a few miles, without honouring it with a visit, or showing it any token of his favour. On the contrary, it is remarkable that his visit to Uitenhage has been instantly followed up by fresh acts of oppression and persecution toward this institution. The missionaries are now ordered to collect and be responsible for the opgaaf of the Hottentots:-a measure which, in the circumstances of Bethelsdorp, is equally odious and impracticable. In short, it is clear enough that Lord Charles and Colonel Cuyler are equally disposed to annoy and harass this place to the utmost of their power, if not to destroy it utterly. It was long an eye-sore, and is now a reproach to them both; but it has, I trust, a Protector who will turn their counsels into foolishness.' "-pp. 229, 230.

The author next proceeds to give an interesting account of the Missionary Institution at Pacaltsdorp, of which we can only copy the following passage, in answer to the false and unfounded assertions of the Quarterly Review :

"To the testimony of the colonial secretary we may here add that of the venerable Van Kerval, the chief magistrate of the district of George, as related to the author by Sir Jahleel Brenton, his Majesty's naval commissioner at the Cape of Good Hope: -- When we approached this station,' said Sir Jahleel, Mr. Van Kerval addressed me in the following words: - You see these houses, Sir Jahleel, these beautiful gardens and cornfields; when Mr. Pacalt came to this place, the whole grounds on which you see those marks of rising industry and civilization were as bare as the palm of my hand.' "-p. 252.

The petty authorities at the Cape appear to have waged continual

war with the missionary institutions, with the sole intention of gaining all their lands and property to themselves and their friends, and of making slaves of the inhabitants. This appears to have been especially the case with Theopolis, where the Hottentots had not only to defend themselves from the attacks of the Caffers, but, when

assisted by the colonial government in repelling them, "had the mortification to see many of their own cattle, which they had assisted to retake from the Caffers, awarded among others to the colonists," while they obtained none worth having, if any at all. On the arrival of British settlers in the colony, attempts were made to ruin the institutions by giving away their lands, and when application was made to Government, no satisfactory answers were given. The following account of the management of Cape affairs, under the governorship of Lord Charles Somerset, will give some idea of this business.

"The governor and colonial secretary visited this institution very recently. I have not heard what opinion they expressed, but their visit was very short, as Lord Charles appeared in a hurry to get off. Since that time I hear his lordship has deprived the inhabitants of access to the sea, by granting away the land hitherto occupied by them at the mouth of the Kasouga. Their boundaries have also, it is understood, been curtailed on every side by grants to the settlers. The deprivation of the land between the institution and the sea is the most injurious measure that could be aimed at the place, as it cuts off their best pasture and corn land, and debars them of access to the sea-beach, for the purpose of burning shell-lime, which was one considerable source of profitable employment. This land has, moreover, been given to a Mr. B-, who has no claims whatever on it: he belongs to a party of settlers located at a distance, and, indeed, since his arrival in the colony, has never resided permanently on any location, but has been generally ranging about for his amusement with the surveying officers on the frontier. He has been recom

mended for the present grant, merely from

personal favour, by Captain Hope, a military heemraod of Albany.'

"About the time of the visit of Lord Charles Somerset and the secretary to Theopolis, to which allusion is made in the preceding letter, promises had been made to numerous applicants of the lands which were to be alienated from the institution; but having received no official communication from government on the subject, I was left without accurate information respecting the extent of the threatened infliction.

"In the month of August following I visited Theopolis, and on that occasion I found Mr. Hope, the government surveyor, on the grounds, and he had then nearly finished his labours. On an examination of the survey made by this gentleman, I discovered that his instructions had gone even farther than had been reported to me. Not only the land not included in the original diagram, but one third of what was embraced by the diagram itself, was to be cut off from the institution. Whatever the motives of the planners of this partition might be, had it been contrived with a view to ruin and disperse the people, they could not have fallen on more effectual means to effect their purpose. "The pasture land, on which the people depended for the support of their cattle, their fountains, and their corn-lands, which they had cultivated from the year 1815, were now to be taken from them. On the real character of this measure there was but one opinion among the friends and enemies of the institution. friends of the oppressed Hottentots saw in it the meditated ruin of the institution, and their enemies saw it under the same aspect, and they did not conceal the joy it afforded them. Every thing had been done by the local authorities to prevent the improvement of the people, and those who regarded that improvement with jealousy, scrupled not to tell our missionaries, That they would not be long at Theopolis! That it would not be long before they should have the Hottentots in their own power!" "-pp. 265--267.

The

The author next gives an affecting account of the rise, progress, and destruction of Caledon Institution, and concludes in these words:

" I trust I have said enough, in answer to the plea which is used to justify the proposed partition of the lands of this institution. There are twenty-eight men upon these lands; there are seventy-seven within one day's ride of the institution, who anxiously wish to return to it, or at least to send their wives and children to N. S. No. 42.

it; and it cannot be denied but that it would be cruel indeed to deprive the sixtythree men in the Cape regiment of such an asylum for themselves and their families, after they are no longer able to serve the government. And for whom are all these people to be sacrificed? For the accommodation of two or three boors, not superior in civilization, and perhaps not equal in morals, to several, I may add, to many of those people who are to be deprived of the land of their fathers--of land, which had been confirmed to them by the benevolence of Lord Caledon. What right, what claims have those boors upon the possessions of these poor people ? What claims have they upon government? None.

"Here we have a complete case. We see its beginning, its progress, and its consummation. Here is a man, the most unfit person in the world for being a missionary,' flogging, plundering, and demoralizing the people under him for six years together, under the very eye of government; supported against the prayers, and petitions, and complaints of the sufferers and their friends; permitted to appropriate their labour and property to his own advantage; driving them, by his own authority, from one fertile spot after another, till they find themselves on the bare mountain, without water, or the necessaries of life; and only dismissed when no more remains for him to perpetrate; when his work is done; the rising community being crushed and dispersed, and the lands ripe for alienation, there being no Hottentots or stock to occupy them.' What security has any other similar institution against the like fate?

"In what, may we now ask, consist the rights of the aboriginal inhabitants of the Cape of Good Hope to possess any land in the colony? Do they claim it by inheritance from their fathers? That plea has been long since exploded. Does it consist in prior occupation? When lands are to be granted, can they rely on this presumption, as the other free colonists do? Look at the lands of Zuurbrak and Theopolis for an answer. But surely promises, grants, and recognitions by the colonial government itself, backed by long occupancy, give them a solid and secure, as well as a legal right? The people at Zourbrak had all these, and yet they are entirely overthrown.

"The system, of which these proceedings are the legitimate fruit, is, I hope, drawing towards a close. His Majesty's government can have no interest in supporting it for a moment, after they are convinced of its nature and effects; nor do I suppose that any earthly interest can induce them to sanction open violence and 2S

injustice, or authorize the systematic degradation of so large a portion of their fellow-subjects." - pp. 293-295.

It is a remarkable and a melancholy fact, that in proportion as the institutions improved under the care of the missionaries, and the character of the natives rose in morals, industry, and usefulness, so, in the same proportion, did the oppressions, taxations, and cruel treatment of the colonial government increase, and that while in the hands of Britons who boast of freedom. That government, by its inhuman conduct, has occasioned the death of several missionaries, and if the interposition of the British public, under Providence, prevent not, may occasion the death of many more. The death of Dr. Vanderkemp and Mr. Ulbricht must be partly ascribed to these causes. The correspondence between the petty authorities and the latter, as well as Mr. Barker, unfolds, and at the same time proves, the disgraceful system of oppression pursued in the colony against the missionary institutions. The case of William Bruintjes, a Hottentot of Bethelsdorp, compelled by the Landdrost Cuyler to become a soldier, and to enter into the Cape corps, given by our author, must rouse the indignation of every humane mind. Two cases of oppression, entitled by Dr. Philip, the Wood Case and the Game Case, are detailed at full length, to convince the public, if convinced they will be, that the Hottentots are treated worse than slaves, and that oppression has recourse to absolute falsehood to justify its cruelties. In the Game Case there is a curious fact which is worth noticing. The Landdrost Cuyler, who, it seems, acted not only as accuser, but as judge and jury, mocked justice, by taking down evidence from the poor Hottentots in his own way, and to suit

his own wicked purposes. It appears, he drew from them a confession that instead of four shots they had received a pound of powder from the missionary, to defend themselves from the wild animals, at the time when they were seized by the order of the Landdrost. On inquiry, Dr. Philip found that the pound of powder had been given six years before, and was not at all connected with the present case; yet had the Landdrost inserted this in their evidence to bring home a false charge against the missionaries. O nefas et infandum crimen! This requires no other comment. Dr. Philip next relates an unsuccessful attempt to obtain additional land for the use of the missionary institution at Bethelsdorp, by memorializing the Government, and a shameful attempt on the part of the Landdrost Cuyler to convert the missionaries into tax-gatherers over the poor Hottentots. The crowning sin of this persecutor of the missionaries, was his issuing an order preventing the Hottentots from joining their institutions, until those they had already, could be made more useful members of the community; that is, until the missionaries would agree to send them to be his slaves, or to work for little or nothing, whenever he wanted them! He had obtained, from 1809 to 1827, seven grants of lands from the colonial government, amounting to 33,964 acres, while he had 12,000 acres, obtained by purchase or barter. The self-interest, therefore, which he had in making slaves of the Hottentots at the institutions, is obvious. The conduct of other Landdrosts appears to have been little better; while all application by the missionaries to the colonial governors, especially to Lord Charles Somerset, were found to be in vain.

Dr. Philip proceeds to advocate the cause of the poor natives, by showing the evil effects of the colonial policy to the colonists themselves, and the advantage which would accrue to the British Government and manufacturers by a change in the system. We cannot refuse our readers the pleasure of perusing the following sound observations of our author on this subject.

"The most ignorant and selfish of the boors represent to the landdrost that it would not be good for the colony that the Hottentots should be allowed to purchase land; the landdrost adopts their sentiments, and transmits them to the governor; the governor presents them to his Majesty's Secretary for the Colonies; his Majesty's Principal Secretary for the Colonies supposes, as the recommendation comes from the landdrost, and is approved by the governor, it must be deserving of the sanction of his Majesty's government; and thus it becomes a part of the colonial

policy. It is melancholy to observe how

superior minds in this manner become the dupes of the most vulgar prejudices.

"We talk much, in the present day, of the light which philosophy has thrown upon all subjects connected with the progress of civil society and government; but, surely, things might have gone on in this way if Adam Smith, Fergusson, Malthus, Ricardo, &c., had never blotted paper. How foreign the partiality of this policy to the principles of the British constitution; and, further, how impolitic! What can a degraded race of labourers be but worthless members of the community? How total a forgetfulness is here evinced of, probably, the best known truth respecting society, that the strength, the welfare of a country is mainly dependent on the character and habits of its labouring classes!

"Any fears arising from any sudden change of property which may be hurtful to the interests of the colony, from adopting the measures recommended in the preceding chapter, are without the slightest foundation. No sudden alteration in the landed property of the country is to be apprehended from this source. Under the most favourable circumstances the great body of the Hottentots cannot be in any other condition than that of labourers for centuries to come. Individuals among the Hottentots, under a more genial system, may, in thirty or forty years, rise to possess little farms, and they may be able

to leave the property acquired by their industry to their children: but no one acquainted with the state of property in Europe can for a moment imagine, that any fears of this nature should paralyse the hand of government, so as to make it

withhold from the Hottentots their natural rights. It would be sufficiently ridiculous for any one to propose to the British Parliament that it should pass an act disqualifying the weavers of Manchester or Glasgow from holding land, lest they should dispossess the present landed proprietors and the nobility, and engross to themselves the wealth and honours of the country. In free countries you may see individuals rising from humble conditions to possess property; and you may find among our nobility individuals whose great grandfathers were mechanics: but such instances are extremely rare; and it will be allowed that England owes much of its industry and its glory as a country to the laws which secure the poor against the oppressions of the rich, and which leave the immunities and honours of the state open to fair and honourable competition."--pp. 378--380.

The author confirms many of his liberal views, by extracts from the Report of his Majesty's Commissioners of Inquiry, and concludes his first volume with the following pathetic appeal:

"The Hottentots, despairing of help from every other quarter, now look to the justice and humanity of England for deliverance; and they now justly and humbly ask, why they may not, like the colonists, be allowed to bring their labours to the best market? Why they should be compelled to labour for two or for four rixdollars (equivalent to three or six shillings sterling money) per month, when they might be receiving twenty or twenty-five rix-dollars per month, if permitted to dispose of themselves as a free people? Why they may not be exempted from the cruelties exercised upon them without any form of law? Why they should be arbitrarily flogged in the public prison, upon the mere ipse dixit of their masters ? Why, on complaining of bad usage to a magistrate, they should be put in prison till their master appear to answer the accusation brought against him;--and why they should be flogged if their complaints are held to be frivolous? Why they should be liable to punishment at the mere caprice of a magistrate, and without any trial ? Why they should be made responsible for the loss of their master's property, and thereby kept in perpetual bondage, with

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