ful became greedy of more power; and it was shaken to pieces by continual struggles among the powerful. Patriotifm vanished with the commonwealth power and riches became the fole objects of purfuit; and with thefe every man tempted and was tempted corruption of every fort fpread wide, and venality above all. How depraved must the morals of Rome have been, when Cicero, efteemed its greatest patriot, requested Lucceius to write his hiftory, and to fet his conduct in the most advantageous light, without regard to truth. I will venture, fays he, to en

treat you, not to confine yourfelf to the "ftrict laws of hiftory; but to give a la❝titude to your encomiums, greater poffibly than you think my actions deferve. "Let me hope you will not reject the generous partiality of friendfhip; but “ give somewhat more to affection than to rigorous truth (a)." Yet this was the fame Cicero who wrote an excellent book of morals. So little connection is there in fome men between the heart and the head.

(a) Cicero's letters, b. 1. letter 20.

VOL. II.

S f

There

There is great intricacy in human ac tions tho' men are indebted to emulation for their heroic actions, yet fuch actions never fail to fupprefs emulation in those who follow. An obfervation is made above (a), that a perfon of fuperior genius who damps emulation in others, is a fatal obstruction to the progress of an art: witnefs the celebrated Newton, to whom the decay of mathematical knowledge in Britain is justly attributed. The obfervation holds equally with refpect to action. Thofe actions only that flow from patriotifm are deemed grand and heroic; and fuch actions, above all others, rouse a national fpirit. But beware of a Newton in heroism: instead of exciting emulation, he will damp it defpair to equal the great men who are the admiration of all men, puts an end to emulation. After the illuftrious atchievements of Miltiades, and after the eminent patriotifm of Ariftides, we hear no more in Greece of emulation or of patriotism. Pericles was a man of parts, but he facrificed Athens to his ambition. The Athenians funk lower and lower under the Archons, who had neither parts

(a) Book 1. fketch 5. § 1.

nor

nor patriotism; and were reduced at last to flavery, first by the Macedonians, and next by the Romans. The Romans run the fame course, from the highest exertions of patriotic emulation, down to the most abject selfishness and effeminacy.

And this leads to other caufes that extinguish patriotifm, or relax it. Factious disorders in a ftate never fail to relax it; for there the citizen is loft, and every perfon is beheld in the narrow view of a friend or an enemy. In the contests between the Patricians and Plebeians of Rome, the public was totally difregarded: the Plebeians could have no heart-affection for a country where they were oppreffed; and the Patricians might be fond of their own order, but they could not fincerely love their country, while they were enemies to the bulk of their countrymen. Patriotifm did not shine forth in Rome, till all equally became citizens. Between the union of the two crowns of England and Scotland and that of the kingdoms, Scotland was greatly depreffed: it was governed by a foreign king; the nobility, tyrants, and the low people, poor and difpirited. There was no patriotism among the former; and Sf 2

as

as little among the latter. Hence it appears, that the oppofition in Scotland to the union of the two kingdoms, was abfurdly impolitic. The oppofition ought to have been against the union of the two crowns, in order to prevent the government of a foreign prince. prince. After being reduced to dependence on another nation, the only remedy was to become one people by an union of the kingdoms.

To fupport patriotifm, it is neceffary that a people be in a train of prosperity : when a nation becomes ftationary, patriotifin fubfides. The ancient Romans upon a finall foundation erected a great empire; fo great indeed, that it fell to pieces by its unwieldinefs. But the plurality of nations, whether from their fituation, from the temper of their people, or from the nature of their government, are confined within narrower limits; beyond which their utmoft exertions avail little, unlefs they happen to be extraordinary favourites of fortune. When a nation becomes thus ftationary, its pufhing genius is at an end its plan is to preserve, not to acquire the members, even without any example of heroifin to damp emula

tion, are infected with the languid tone of the state patriotifm fubfides; and we hear no more of bold or heroic actions. The Venetians are a pregnant instance of the observation. Their trade with Aleppo and Alexandria did for centuries introduce into Europe the commodities of Syria, Egypt, Arabia, Perfia, and India. The cities of Nuremberg and Augsburg in particular, were fupplied from Venice with these commodities; and by that traffick became populous and opulent. Venice, in a word, was for centuries the capital trading town of Europe, and powerful above all its neighbours, both at fea and land. A paffage to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope was indeed an animating discovery to the Portuguese; but it did not entitle them to exclude the Venetians. The greater distance of Venice from the Cape, a trifle in itself, is more than balanced by its proximity to Greece, Germany, Hungary, Poland, and to the reft of Italy. But the Portuguese at that period were in the fpring of profperity; and patriotifm envigorated them to make durable establishments on the Indian coaft, overpowering every nation in oppofition.

The