present form; and the last, Whether it would not be a fchool of industry and moderation to our people.

With respect to the first, we should, after a few years, have not only an army of fixty thousand well-difciplined troops, but the command of another army, equally numerous, and equally well difciplined. It is true, that troops inured to war have an advantage over troops that have not the fame experience: but with affurance it may be pronounced impracticable, to land at once in Britain an army that can ftand against 100,000 British foldiers well disciplined, fighting even their firft battle, for their country, and for their wives and children.

A war with France raises a panic on every flight threatening of an invafion. The security afforded by the propofed plan, would enable us to act offenfively at fea, instead of being reduced to keep our ships at home, for guarding our coafts. Would Britain any longer be obliged to fupport her continental connections No fooner does an European prince augment his army, or improve military discipline, than his neighbours, taking fright, must do the fame. May not one hope, that by the plan propofed, or fome fuch, Britain would be relieved from jealoufy and folicitude about its neighbours?

With respect to the second view, having long enjoy'd the sweets of a free government, under a fucceffion of mild princes, we begin to forget, that our liberties ever were in danger. But droufy fecurity is of all conditions the most dangerous; because the state may be overwhelmed before we even dream of danger. Suppofe only, that a British King, accomplished in the art of war, and beloved by his foldiers, heads his own troops in a war with France; and after more than one fuccefsful campaign, gives peace to his enemy, on terms advantageous to his people: what fecurity have we for our liberties, when he returns with a victorious army, devoted to his will? I am talking of a ftanding D 2

army

army in its prefent form. Troops modelled as above will not be fo obfequious: a number of the prime nobility and gentry ferving without pay, who can be under no temptation to enslave themselves and their country, will prove a firm barrier against the ambitious views of fuch a prince. And even fuppofing that army to be totally corrupted, the prince can have little hope of fuccefs against the nation, fupported by another army, compofed of men, who, having completed their military fervice, may be relied. on as champions for their country.

And as to the laft view mentioned, the plan propofed cannot fail to promote industry and virtue, not only among the foldiers, but among the working people in general. To avoid hard labour and fevere difcipline in the army, men will be fober and industrious at home; and fuch untractable spirits as cannot be reached by the mild laws of a free government, will be effectually tamed by military law. At the fame time, as sobriety and innocence are conftant attendants upon industry, the manners of our people would be much purified; a circumftance of infinite importance to Britain. The falutary influence of the plan, would reach perfons in a higher fphere. A young gentleman, whipt at fchool, or falling behind at college, contracts an averfion to books; and flies to the army, where he is kept in countenance by numbers, idle and ignorant like himself. How many young men are thus daily ruined, who, but for the temptation of idlenefs and gaiety in the army, would have become useful fubjects! In the plan under confideration, the officers who ferve for pay would be fo few in number, and their profpect of advancement fo clear, that it would require much intereft to be admitted into the army. None would be admitted but those who have been regularly educated in every branch of military knowledge; and idle boys would be remitted to their ftudies.

Here is difplay'd an agreeable scene with relation to industry. Suppofing

Suppofing the whole threefcore thousand men to be abfolutely idle; yet, by doubling the industry of those who remain, I affirm, that the fum of industry would be much greater than before. And the fcene becomes enchanting, when we confider, that these threefcore thousand men, would not only be of all the most industrious, but be patterns of industry to others.

Upon conclufion of a foreign war, we fuffer grievously by dif banded foldiers, who must plunder or ftarve. The present plan is an effectual remedy: men accustomed to hard labour under strict discipline, can never be in want of bread: they will be fought for every where, even at higher than ordinary wages; and they will prove excellent masters for training the peasants to hard labour.

A man indulges emulation more freely in behalf of his friend or his country, than of himself: the latter is felfifh; the former proceeds from a focial principle. In that view, have we not reafon to hope, that the feparating military officers into different claffes, will excite a laudable emulation, prompting individuals to exert themselves on every occafion, for the honour of their corps? Nor will fuch emulation, a virtuous paffion, be any obftruction to private friendship between members of different claffes. On the contrary, may it not be expected, that young officers of birth and fortune, zealous to qualify themfelves, at their own. expence, for ferving their country, will cling for inftruction to officers of experience, who have no inheritance but perfonal merit? Both find their account in that connection: men of rank become adepts in military affairs, a valuable branch of education for them; and officers who ferve for pay, acquire friends at court, who will embrace every opportunity of teftifying their gratitude.

The advantages mentioned are great and extenfive; and yet are not the only advantages. Will it be thought extravagant to hope,

that

that the proposed plan would form a better fyftem of education for young men of fortune, than hitherto has been known in Britain? Before pronouncing fentence against me, let the following confiderations be duly weigh'd. Our youth go abroad to fee the world in the literal fenfe; for to pierce deeper than eye-fight, cannot be expected of boys. They refort to gay courts, where they find nothing for imitation but pomp, luxury, diffembled virtues, and real vices: fuch scenes make a deep impreffion on young men of a warm imagination. Our plan would be an antidote to fuch poisonous education. Suppofing eighteen to be the earliest time for the army, here is an object held up to our youth of fortune, for roufing their ambition: they will endeavour to make a figure, and emulation will animate them to excel: fuppofing a young man to have no ambition, fhame alone will push him on. To acquire the military art, to difcipline their men, to direct the execution of public works, and to conduct other military operations, would occupy their whole time, and banish idleness. A young gentleman, thus guarded againft the enticing vices and fauntering follies of youth, must be sadly deficient in genius, if, during his seven years fervice, reading and reflection have been totally neglected by him. Hoping better things from our youth of fortune, I take for granted, that during their service they have made fome progrefs, not only in military knowledge, but in morals, and in the fine arts, fo as at the age of twenty-five to be qualified for profiting, instead of being undone, by feeing the world *.

* Whether hereditary nobility may not be neceffary, in a monarchical government, to fupport the King against the multitude, I take not on me to pronounce: but this I pronounce with affurance, that fuch a conftitution is unhappy with refpect to education; and appears to admit no remedy, if it be not that above mentioned, or fome fuch. In fact, few of those who received their education while they were the eldest fons of Peers, have been duly qualified to manage public affairs.

Further,

Further, young men of birth and fortune, acquire indeed the fmoothness and fuppleness of a court, with refpect to their fuperiors; but the constraint of fuch manners, makes their temper break out againft inferiors, where there is no constraint. Infolence of rank is not fo vifible in Britain, as in countries of lefs freedom; but it is fufficiently visible to require correction. To that end, no method promifes more fuccefs than military service; as command and obedience alternately, are the beft difcipline for acquiring temper and moderation. Can pride and infolence be more effectually stemmed, than to be commanded by an inferior ?

Still upon the important article of education. Where pleasure is the ruling paffion in youth, intereft will be the ruling paffion in age: the selfish principle is the foundation of both, the object only is varied. This obfervation is fadly verified in Britain: our young men of rank, loathing an irksome and fatiguing courfe of education, abandon themselves to pleasure. Trace these very men through the more fedate part of life, and they will be found grafping at power and profit, by means of court-favour, with no regard to their country, and with very little regard to their friends. The education propofed, holding up a temping prize to virtuous ambition, is an excellent fence against a life of indolent pleasure. A youth of fortune, engaged with many rivals in a train of public fervice, acquires a habit of business; and as he is conftantly employ'd for the public, patriotifm becomes his ruling paffion *.

The

The following portrait is ketched by a good hand, (Madame Pompadour); and if it have any resemblance, it fets our plan in a confpicuous light. The French nobleffe, fays that lady, fpending their lives in diffipation and idleness, know as little of politics as of economy. A gentleman hunts all his life in the country, or

perhaps