no Jew was permitted to enter. This defeat of the Jews tended to confirm, in some measure, the external tranquillity of the Christian church. For that turbulent and perfidious nation had hitherto oppressed and vexed the Christianis, not only by presenting every where to the Roman magistrates complaints and accusations against them, but also by treating them in the most injurious manner in Palestine and the neighbouring countries, because they refused to succour them against the Romans. But this new calamity, which fell upon that seditious nation, put it out of their power to exercise their malignity against the disciples of Jesus, as they had formerly done. XII. Among other accessions to the splendour and force of the growing church, we may reckon the learned and ingenious labours of those philosophers and literati, who were converted to Christianity in this century. I am sensible that the advantages arising from hence to the cause of true religion will be disputed by many; and, indeed, when the question is thus proposed, whether, upon the whole, the interests of Christianity have gained or lost by the writings of the learned, and the speculations of philosophers that have been employed in its defence, I confess myself incapable of solving it in a satisfactory manner. For nothing is more manifest than this truth, that the noble simplicity and dignity of religion were sadly corrupted in many places, when the philosophers blended their opinions with its pure doctrines, and were audacious enough to submit that divine system of faith and piety to be scrutinized and modified by the fallible rule of imperfect reason. CHAP. II. zens, if they did not return to the religion of their ancestors. II. This edict of Trajan, being registered among the public and solemn laws of the Roman empire, set bounds, indeed, to the fury of those that persecuted the Christians, but was, however, the occasion of martyrdom to many, even under the best emperors. For, as often as an accuser appeared, and the person accused of an adherence to Christianity confessed the truth of the charge, the only alternative then was apostacy or death, since a magnanimous perseverance in the Christian faith was, according to the edict of Trajan, a capital crime. And, accordingly, the venerable and aged Simeon, son of Cleophas, and bishop of Jerusalem, was, by this very law, crucified in consequence of an accusation formed against him by the Jews.* By the same law, also, was the great and pious Ignatius, bishop of Antioch ordered by Trajan himself to expire in the Roman theatre, exposed to the rapacity of furious beasts; for, as the law denounced simply death to such as were convicted of an attachment to Christ, the kind of punishment was left by the legislator to the choice of the judge. III. Such of the Christians as could conceal their profession were indeed sheltered under the law of Trajan, which was, therefore a disagreeable restraint upon the heathen priests, who breathed nothing but fury against the disciples of Jesus. The office of an accuser was also become dangerous, and very few were disposed to undertake it, so that the sacerdotal craft was now inventing new methods to oppress the Christians. The law of Trajan was, therefore, artfully evaded under the reign of his successor Adrian. The populace, set in motion by their priests, demanded of their magistrates with one voice, during the public games, the destruction of the Christians; and the magistrates, fearing that a sedition might be the consequence of CONCERNING THE CALAMITOUS EVENTS WHICH despising or opposing these popular clamours, HAPPENED TO THE CHURCH IN THIS CENTURY. I. In the beginning of this century, there were no laws in force against the Christians, for the senate had annulled the cruel edicts of Nero; and Nerva had abrogated the sanguinary laws of his predecessor Domitian. But, notwithstanding this, a horrid custom prevailed, of persecuting the Christians, and even of putting them to death, as often as a bloody priesthood, or an outrageous populace, set on by them, demanded their destruction. Hence it happened that, even under the reign of the good Trajan, popular clamours a were raised against the Christians, many of whom fell victims to the rage of a merciless multitude. Such were the riotous proceedings that happened in Bithynia, under the administration of Pliny the younger, who, upon that occasion, wrote to the emperor, to know in what manner he was to conduct himself towards the Christians. The answer which he received from Trajan amounted to this, "That the Christians were not to be officiously sought after, but that such as were accused and convicted of an adherence to Christianity were to be put to death as wicked citi 1 Justin Mart. Dial cum Tryphone. p. 49. 278. 2 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. iii. cap. xxxii. p. 103. 3 See Pliny's letters, book x. let. xcvii. and xcviii. which have been illustrated by many learned men, such as Vossius, Bohmer, Baldwin, Heuman and others." were too much disposed to indulge them in their request. During these commotions, Serenus Granianus proconsul of Asia, represented to the emperor how barbarous and unjust it was to sacrifice to the fury of a lawless multitude, persons who had been convicted of no crime. Nor was his wise and equitable remonstrance without effect; for Adrian, by an edict issued out to these magistrates, prohibited the putting the Christians to death, unless they were regularly accused and convicted of crimes committed against the laws; and this edict appears to have been a solemn renewal of the law of Trajan." The moderation of the emperor, in this edict, may, perhaps, have been owing to the admirable apologies of Quadratus and Aristides, in favour of the Christians, which were every way proper to dispel the angry prejudices of a mind that had any sense of equity and humanity left. But it was not from the Romans alone, that the disciples of Christ were to feel oppression; Barcochebas, the fictitious king of the Jews, whom Adrian afterwards defeated, vented against them all his fury, because they refused to join his standards, and second his rebellion." 4 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. iii. cap. xxxii. p. 103. 5 See the Acta Martyrii Ignatiani, published by Ruinart, and also in the collection of the Apostolic Fathers. 6 Compare Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. cap. ix. with Balduinus ad Edicta Princip. in Christianos, p. 73. 7 Justin Mart. Apologia secunda, p. 72. edit. Colon. ر IV. The law of Adrian, according to its na- Christians, whom he regarded as a vain, obstitural sense, seemed to cover the Christains from nate, and vicious set of men, edicts 10 which, upon the fury of their enemies, since it rendered them the whole were very unjust; though we do not punishable on no other account than the commis- know, at this distance of time, their particular sion of crimes, and since the magistrates refused contents. In consequence of these imperial to interpret their religion as the crime mentioned edicts, the judges and magistrates received the in the imperial edict. Therefore their enemies accusations, which even slaves, and the vilest of invented a new method of attacking them under the perjured rabble brought against the followers the reign of Antoninus Pius, even by accusing of Jesus. And the Christians were put to the them of impiety and atheism. This calumny was most cruel tortures, and were condemned to refuted in an apology for the Christians, present-meet death in the most barbarous forms, noted to the emperor by Justin Martyr, in conse-withstanding their perfect innocence, and their quence of which, this equitable prince ordered, persevering and solemn denial of the horrid that all proceedings against them should be re- crimes laid to their charge. The imperial edicts gulated by the law of Adrian. This, however, were so positive and express against inflicting was not sufficient to suppress the rage of blood-punishment upon such of the Christians as were thirsty persecution; for, some time after this, guilty of no crime, that the corrupt judges, who on occasion of some earthquakes which happened through motives of interest or popularity, dein Asia, the people renewed their violence against sired their destruction, were obliged to suborn the Christians, whom they considered as the false accusers to charge them with actions that authors of those calamities, and treated conse- might bring them within the reach of the laws. quently in the most cruel and injurious man- Hence many fell victims to cruel superstition ner. The emperor, informed of these unjust and popular fury, seconded by the corruption of and barbarous proceedings, addressed an edict to a wicked magistracy, and the connivance of a the whole province of Asia, in which he de- prince, who, with respect to one set of men, fornounced capital punishment against such as got the principles of justice and clemency which should, for the future, accuse the Christians, directed his conduct towards all others. Among without being able to prove them guilty of any these victims, there were many men of illuscrime.9 trious piety, and some of eminent learning and abilities, such as the holy and venerable Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, and Justin Martyr, so deservedly renowned for his erudition and philosophy." Many churches, particularly those of Lyons and Vienna, were almost entirely destroyed, during this violent persecution, which raged in the year 177, and will be an indelible stain upon the memory of the prince by whose order it was carried on. V. This worthy prince was succeeded by Marcus Aurelius Antoninus the philosopher, whom most writers have celebrated beyond measure on account of his extraordinary wisdom and virtue. It is not, however, in his conduct towards the Christians that we must look for the reasons of these pompous encomiums; for here, the clemency and justice of that emperor suffer a strange eclipse. He did not, indeed, revoke the edict of Antoninus Pius, or abrogate the laws which the preceding emperors had enacted in favour of the Christians; but he did what was equally pernicious to them. Without examining impartially their cause, he lent an easy and attentive ear to all the most virulent insinuations of their enemies, and more especially to the malignant calumnies of the philosophers, who accused them of the most horrid crimes, and the most monstrous impiety, and charged them with renewing the shocking feast of Thyestes, and the incestuous amours of the Theban prince. So that, if we except that of Nero, there was no reign under which the Christians were more injuriously and cruelly treated, than under that of the wise and virtuous Marcus Aurelius; and yet there was no reign under which such numerous and victorious Apologies were published in their behalf. Those which Justin Martyr, Athenagoras, and Tatian drew up Pupon this occasion, are still extant. This emperor issued out against the It 8 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. cap. xxvi. p. 148. 9 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. cap. xiii. p. 126. is proper to be observed, that the word crime, in several former edicts, had not been sufficiently determined in its signification; so that we find the enemies of the Christians, and even the Roman magistrates, applying this term to the profession of Christianity. But the equitable edict of this good emperor decided that point on the side of humanity and justice, as appears from the letter he addressed to the province of Asia, in favour of the persecuted Christians, and which concludes with the following words: "If any one, for the future, shall rnolest the Christians, and accuse them merely on account of their religion, let the person thus accused be discharged, though he is found to be a Christian, and the accuser be punished according to the rigour of the law." 12 VII. During the reign of Commodus, the Christians suffered very little; no general persecution raged against them; and any cruelties they endured were confined to a small number, who had newly abandoned the Pagan supersti tions. 13 But the scene changed towards the latter end of this century, when Severus was declared emperor. Then Asia, Egypt, and the other provinces, were dyed with the blood of martyrs, as appears from the testimonies of Ter.. tullian, Clemens of Alexandria, and other writers. Those, therefore, are not to be followed, who affirmed, that the Christians suffered nothing under Severus, before the beginning of the third century which was distinguished by the cruel edicts of this emperor against their lives and fortunes. For as the imperial laws against the Christians were not abrogated, and the iniquitous edicts of Trajan and Marcus Antoninus were still in force, there was a door, of consequence, open to the fury and injustice of corrupt magistrates as often as they were pleased to exercise them upon the church. It was this series of calamities, under which it groaned towards the conclusion of the second century, which engaged Tertullian to write his Apology, and several other books, in defence of the Christians. 10 See Melito ap. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. cap. xxvi. P. 147. 11 A full account of their martyrdom is to be found in the valuable work of Ruinart, intitled, Acta Sincera Martyrum. 12 See the letter of the Christians at Lyons, concerning this persecution, which is to be found in Eusebius' Eccle siastical History, book v. chap. ii. as also in Fox's Martyrology, vol. i. 3 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. lib. v. cap. xxiv. p. 191. cap xvi. p. 183. cap. xviii. p. 186. cap. xix. p. 187. VIII. It is very easy to account for the sufferIngs and calamities with which the disciples of Jesus were loaded, when we consider how they were blackened and rendered odious by the railings, the calumnies, and libels of the Heathen priests, and the other defenders of a corrupt and most abominable system of superstition. The injurious imputations, the horrid charges of which we took notice above, are mentioned by all those who have written in defence of the Christians, and ought indeed to stand always upon record, as a proof both of the weakness and wickedness of their adversaries. Nothing more frivolous and insignificant than the objections which the most famous defenders of Paganism opposed to the truth of Christianity at this time; and such as desire a convincing proof of this assertion, have only to read the arguments of Celsus, on that subject. This philosopher wrote against the Christians during the reign of Adrian, and was admirably refuted in the following century, by Origen, who represents him as an Epicurean (a mistake which has been almost generally followed,) whereas it appears, with the utmost probability, that he was a Platonic philosopher of the sect of Ammonius. Be that as it will, Celsus was a trifling caviller, as is manifest from the answer of Origen; nor do his writings against Christianity serve any other purpose than to show his malignant and illiberal turn of mind. Fronto, the rhetorician, and Crescens, the Cynic philosopher, made also some wretched attempts against Christianity. The efforts of the former are only known by the mention that is made of them by Minutius Felix; and the enterprises of the latter were confined to a vehement zeal for the ruin of the Christians, and a virulent persecution of Justin Martyr, which ended in the cruel death of that eminent saint." PART II. most part, averse to literary pursuits. Even Marcus Antoninus, who surpassed them all in learning, gave protection and encouragement to the Stoics alone; and, after the example of that supercilious sect, treated the arts and sciences with indifference and contempt. And here we see the true reason why the writers of this century are, in general, so much inferior to those of the former, in point of elegance and purity, eloquence and taste. II. It must be observed, at the same time, that this degeneracy of erudition and taste did not amount to an utter extinction of the one and the other. For even in this century, there were both among the Greeks and Romans, men of eminent genius and abilities, who set off, in the most advantageous manner, the learning of the times in which they lived. Among the learned Grecians, the first place is due to Plutarch, a man of vast erudition, whose knowledge was various, but indigested, and whose philosophical taste was corrupted by the sceptical tenets of the academics. There were, likewise, in all the more considerable cities of the Roman empire, rhetoricians, sophists, and grammarians, who, by a variety of learned exercises, seemed zealous in forming the youth to their arts of eloquence and declamation, and in rendering them fit, by their talents and their acquisitions, to be useful to their country. But the instruction acquired in these schools was more specious than solid; and the youth who received their education in them, distinguished themselves at their entrance upon the active stage of life, more by empty declamation, than by true eloquence; more by pompous erudition, than by wisdom and dexterity in the management of public affairs. The consequence of this was, that the rhetoricians and sophists, though agreeeble to the corrupt taste of the times, which was incapable, generally speaking, of perceiving the native charms of truth, yet fell into contempt among the prudent and the wise, who held in derision the knowledge and education that were acquired in their auditories. Besides the schools now mentioned, there were two public academies THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. in the empire; the one at Rome, founded by CHAP. I. CONCERNING THE STATE OF LETTERS AND PHILO- 1. UNDER the reign of Trajan, letters and philosophy came forth from the retreat where they had languished during the savage tyranny of his predecessors, and, by the auspicious protection of this excellent prince, were in some measure restored to their former lustre." This happy revolution in the republic of letters, was, indeed, but of a short duration, as it was not supported by the following emperors, who were, for the 1 The learned Dr. Lardner does not think it possible that Celsus could have been of the sect of Ammonius, since the former lived and wrote in the second century, whereas the latter did not flourish before the third. And indeed we learn from Origin himself, that he knew of two only of the name of Celsus, one who lived in the time of Nero, and the other in the reign of Adrian, and afterwards. The latter was the philosopher who wrote against Christianity. 2 Octavius, p. 226, edit. Heraldi. 3 Justin Mart. Apologia secunda, p. 21. Tatian, Orat. contra Græcos, p. 72. edit. Worthii. Plin. epist. lib. iii, ep. 18. Adrian, in which all the sciences were taught; and the other at Berytus in Phoenicia, which was principally destined for the education of the youth in the science of law." III. Many philosophers of all the different sects flourished at this time, whose names we think it not necessary to mention." Two, however, there were, of such remarkable and shining merit, as rendered them real ornaments to the Stoic philosophy, which the meditations of Marcus Antoninus and the manual of Epictetus abundantly testify. These two great men had more admirers than disciples and followers; for, in this century, the Stoical sect was not in the highest esteem, as the rigour and austerity of its doctrine were by no means suited to the dissolute manners of the times. The Platonic schools were more frequented for several reasons, and particularly for these two, that their moral precepts were less rigorous and severe than those of the Stoics, and their doctrines more conformable to or, rather, less incompatible with the common 5 In the first book of his meditations, sect. 7. 17. 6 See the Meditations of M. Antoninus, book i. sect. 7. 10. 7 Justin Mart. Dialog. cum Tryphone, opp. p. 218, &c. We find also many of these philosophers mentioned in the meditations of the Emperor Marc. Antoninus. opinions concerning the gods, but of all the philo- | various portions through all the different sects; sophers, the Epicureans enjoyed the greatest reputation, and had undoubtedly the greatest number of followers, because their opinions tended to encourage the indolent security of a voluptuous and effeminate life, and to banish the remorse and terrors that haunt vice, and naturally incommode the wicked in their sensual pursuits. IV. Towards the conclusion of this century, a new sect of philosophers arose of a sudden, spread with amazing rapidity throughout the greatest part of the Roman empire, swallowed up almost all the other sects, and was extremely detrimental to the cause of Christianity. Alexandria in Egypt, which had been, for a long time, the seat of learning, and as it were, the centre of all the liberal arts and sciences, gave birth to this new philosophy. Its votaries chose to be called Platonics: though, far from adhering to all the tenets of Plato, they collected from the different sects such doctrines as they thought conformable to truth, and formed thereof one general system. The reason, then, why they distinguished themselves by the title of Platonics, was, that they thought the sentiments of Plato, concerning that most noble part of philosophy, which has the Deity, and things invisible for its objects, much more rational and sublime than those of the other philosophers. V. What gave to this new philosophy a superior air of reason and dignity, was, the unprejudiced spirit of candour and impartiality on which it seemed to be founded. This recommended it particularly to those real sages, whose inquiries were accompanied with wisdom and moderation, and who were sick of those arrogant and contentious sects, which required an invariable attachment to their particular systems. And, indeed, nothing could have a more engaging aspect than a set of men, who, abandoning all cavil, and all prejudices in favour of any party, professed searching after the truth alone, and were ready to adopt, from all the different systems and sects, such tenets as they thought agreeable to it. From hence also they were called Eclectics. It is, however, to be observed, as we hinted in the former section, that though these philosophers were attached to no particular sect, yet they preferred, as appears from a variety of testimonies, the sublime Plato to all other sages, and approved of the most of his opinions concerning the Deity, the universe, and the human soul. VI. This new species of Platonism was embraced by such of the Alexandrian Christians as were desirous to retain, with the profession of the gospel, the title, the dignity, and the habit of philosophers. It is also said to have had the particular approbation of Athenagoras, Pantæ nus, Clemens the Alexandrian, and all those who, in this century, were charged with the care of the public school which the Christians had at Alexandria. These sages were of opinion, that true philosophy, the greatest and most salutary gift of God to mortals, was scattered in 8 Lucian Pseudomant. p. 763. tom. i. opp. 9 The title and dignity of philosophers delighted so much these honest men, that though they were advanced in the church to the rank of presbyters, they would not abandon the philosopher's cloak. See Origen, Epist. ad Eusebium, tom. i. opp. p. 2. edit. de la Rue. and that it was, consequently, the duty of every wise man, and more especially of every Christian doctor, to gather it from the several corners where it lay dispersed, and to employ it, thus re-united, in the defence of religion, and in destroying the dominion of impiety and vice. The Christian Eclectics had this also in common with the others, that they preferred Plato to the other philosophers, and looked upon his opinions concerning God, the human soul, and things invisible, as conformable to the spirit and genius of the Christian doctrine. VII. This philosophical system_underwent some changes, when Ammonius Saccas, whe taught, with the highest applause, in the Alexandrian school about the conclusion of this century, laid the foundations of that sect which was distinguished by the name of the New Platonics. This learned man was born of Christian parents, and never, perhaps, gave up entirely the outward profession of that divine religion in which he had been educated. 10 As his genius was vast and comprehensive, so were his projects bold and singular. For he attempted a general reconciliation or coalition of all sects, whether philosophical or religious, and taught a doctrine which he looked upon as proper to unite them all, the Christians not excepted, in the most perfect harmony. herein lies the difference between this new sect and the Eclectics, who had, before this time, And 10 Porphyry, in his third book against the Christians, maintains that Ammonius deserted the Christian religion, and went over to Paganism as soon as he came to that time of life, when the mind is capable of making a wise and judicious choice. Eusebius, on the other hand, denies this assertion; maintains, that Ammonius persevered constantly in the profession of Christianity, and is followed in this opinion by Valesius, Bayle, Basnage, and others. The learned Fabricius is of opinion, that Éusebius confounded together two persons who bore the name of Ammonius, one of whom was a Christian writer, and Græca, lib. iv. cap. xxvi. p. 159. The truth of the matter the other a Heathen philosopher. See Fabric. Biblioth. seems to have been, that Ammonius Saccas was a Christian who adopted with such dexterity the doctrines of the pagan philosophy, as to appear a Christian to the Christians, and a Pagan to the Pagans. See Brucket's Historia Critica Philosophie, vol. ii. and iii. Since the first edition of this work was published, the learned Dr. Lardner has maintained, not without a certain degree of asperity, which is unusual in his valuable writings, the opinion of Fabricius, against Eusebius, and particularly against Dr. Mosheim. See his Collection of Heathen and Jewish Testimonies, vol. iii. p. 195, &c. Dr. Mosheim was once of the same opinion with Fabricius, and he main tained it in a dissertation, De ecclesia turbata per recen tiores Platonicos; but he afterwards saw reason to change his mind. De rebus Christianorum ante Const. Mag. p. 281, &c. These reasons may be seen in his book, They indeed weigh little with Dr. Lardner, who, how. ever, opposes nothing to them but mere assertions, unsupFor the ported by the smallest glimpse of evidence. letter of Origen he quotes from Eusebius, is so far from proving that Ammonius was merely a Heathen philosopher, and not a Christian, that it would not be sufficient to demonstrate that there was ever such a person as Ammonius in the world; since he is not so much as named in that letter. But allowing with Valesius that it is Am monius whom Origen has in view when he talks of the philosophical master from whom he and Heracles received instruction, it seems very whimsical to conclude from thence, that Ammonius was no Christian. The coalition between Platonism and Christianity, in the second and third centuries, is a fact too fully proved to be rendered dubious by mere affirmations. The notion, therefore, of two persons bearing the name of Ammonius, the one a heathen philosopher, and the other a Christian writer, of which Dr. Lardner seems so fond, rests upon little more than an hypothesis formed to remove an imaginary difli. culty. cient theology from whence they were derived. IX. Taking these principles for granted, Ammonius adopted the doctrines which were received in Egypt, the place of his birth and education, concerning the universe and the Deity, considered as constituting one great whole; as also concerning the eternity of the world, the nature of souls, the empire of providence, and the government of this world by demons. For it is most evident, that the Egyptian philosophy, which was said to be derived from Hermes, was the basis of that of Ammonius; or, as it is otherwise called, of modern Platonism; and the book of Jamblichus, concerning the mysteries of the Egyptians, puts the matter beyond dispute. Ammonius, therefore, associated the sentiments of the Egyptians with the doctrines of Flato, which was easily done by adulterating some of the opinions of the latter, and forcing his expressions from their obvious and natural sense. And, to finish this conciliatory scheme, he so interpreted the doctrines of the other philosophical and religious sects, by the violent succours of art, invention, and allegory, that they seemed, at length, to bear some resemblance of the Egyptian and Platonic systems. flourished in Egypt. The Eclectics held, that in every sect, there was a mixture of good and bad, of truth and falsehood; and accordingly, they chose and adopted out of each of them such tenets as seemed to them conformable to reason and truth, and rejected such as they thought repugnant to both. Ammonius, on the contrary, maintained, that the great principles of all philosophical and religious truth were to be found equally in all sects; that they differed from each other only in their method of expressing them, and in some opinions of little or no importance; and that, by a proper interpretation of their respective sentiments, they might easily be united into one body. It is farther to be observed, that the propensity of Ammonius to singularity and paradox, led him to maintain, that all the Gentile religions, and even the Christian, were to be illustrated and explained by the principles of this universal philosophy; but that, in order to this, the fables of the priests were to be removed from Paganism, and the comments and interpretations of the disciples of Jesus from Christianity. VIII. This arduous design, which Ammonius had formed of bringing about a coalition of all the various philosophical sects, and all the different systems of religion that prevailed in the X. To this monstrous coalition of heterogeworld, required many difficult and disagreeable neous doctrines, its fanatical author added a things in order to its execution. Every particu- rule of life and manners, which carried an aslar sect and religion must have several of its pect of high sanctity and uncommon austerity. doctrines curtailed or distorted, before it could He, indeed, permitted the people to live accordenter into the general mass, The tenets of the ing to the laws of their country, and the dictates philosophers, the superstitions of the Heathen of nature; but a more sublime rule was laid priests, the solemn doctrines of Christianity, down for the wise; they were to raise above all were all to suffer in this cause, and forced alle. terrestrial things, by the towering efforts of holy gories were to be subtilly employed in removing contemplation, those souls whose origin was the difficulties with which it was attended. celestial and divine. They were ordered to exHow this vast project was effected by Ammo- tenuate, by hunger, thirst, and other mortificanius, the writings of his disciples and followers, tions, the sluggish body, which confines the that yet remain, abundantly testify. In order activity, and restrains the liberty of the immortal to the accomplishing his purpose, he supposed, spirit; that thus, in this life, they might enjoy that true philosophy derived its origin and its communion with the Supreme Being, and asconsistence from the eastern nations; that it cend after death, active and unincumbered, to was taught to the Egyptians by Hermes; that the universal Parent, to live in his presence for it was brought from them to the Greeks, by ever. As Ammonius was born and educated whose vain subtilties, and litigious disputes, it among the Christians, he set off, and even gave was rendered somewhat obscure and deformed; an air of authority to these injunctions, by exbut was, however, preserved in its original pu- pressing them partly in terms borrowed from rity by Plato, who was the best interpreter of the sacred scriptures, of which we find a vast Hermes, and of the other oriental sages. He number of citations also in the writings of his maintained, that all the different religions that disciples. To this austere discipline, he added prevailed in the world, were, in their original the pretended art of so purging and refining that integrity, conformable to the genius of this an- faculty of the mind which receives the images of cient philosophy; but that it unfortunately things, as to render it capable of perceiving the happened, that the symbols and fictions, under dæmons, and of performing many marvellous which, according to the eastern manner, the things by their assistance. This art, which the ancients delivered their precepts and their doc-disciples of Ammonius called theurge', was not, trines, were, in process of time, erroneously un- however, communicated to all the schools of this derstood both by priests and people in a literal fanatical philosopher, but only to those of the sense; that, in consequence of this, the invisible first rank. beings and demons, whom the Supreme Deity had placed in the different parts of the universe as the ministers of his providence, were, by the suggestions of superstition, converted into gods, and worshipped with a multiplicity of vain oeremonies. He therefore insisted, that all the religions of all nations should be restored to their original purity, and reduced to their primitive standard, viz. "The ancient philosophy of the east;" and he affirmed, that this his project was agreeable to the intentions of Jesus Christ, whose sole view, in descending upon earth, was, to set bounds to the reigning superstition, to remove the errors that had crept into the religions of all nations, but not to abolish the an XI. The extravagant attempts of Ammonius did not cease here. To reconcile the popular religions of different countries, and particularly the Christian, with this new system, he fell upon the following inventions: 1st, He turned into a mere allegory the whole history of the gods, and maintained, that those beings whom the priests and people dignified with this title, were no more than celestial ministers, to whom a certain kind of worship was due; but a worship inferior to that which was to be reserved for the Supreme Deity. 2dly, he acknowledged Christ to be a most excellent man, the friend of God, the admirable theurge'; he denied, however, that Jesus designed to abolish entirely the |