ernors, would probably be kept up and continued, for the Benefit of Governors, to the grievous Burthen and Discouragement of the Colonies, and preventing their Growth and Increase. That a Power in Governors to march the Inhabitants from one End of the British and French Colonies to the other, being a Country of at least 1500 Miles square, without the Approbation or Consent of their Representatives first obtain'd to such Expeditions, might be grievous and ruinous to the People, and would put them on a Footing with the Subjects of France in Canada, that now groan under such Oppression from their Governor, who for two Years past has harrass'd them with long and destructive Marches to the Ohio. That if the Colonies in a Body may be well governed by Governors and Councils, appointed by the Crown, without Representatives, particular Colonies may as well or better be so governed; a Tax may be laid on them all by Act of Parliament; for Support of Government, and their Assemblies be dismiss'd, as a useless Part of their Constitution. That the Powers propos'd, by the Albany Plan of Union, to be vested in a Grand Council representative of the People, even with Regard to Military Matters, are not so great as those the Colonies of Rhode-Island and Connecticut are intrusted with, and have never abused; for by this Plan the President General is appointed by the Crown and controlls all by his Negative; but in those Governments the People chuse the Governor, and yet allow him no Negative. That the British Colonies, bordering on the French are properly Frontiers of the British Empire; and that the Frontiers of an Empire are properly defended at the joint Expence of the Body of People in such Empire. It would now be thought hard, by Act of Parliament, to oblige the Cinque Ports or Sea Coasts of Britain to maintain the whole Navy, because they are more immediately defended by it, not allowing them, at the same Time, a Vote in chusing Members of Parliament: And if the Frontiers in America must bear the Expence of their own Defence, it seems hard to allow them no Share in Voting the Money, judging of the Necessity and Sum, or advising the Measures. That besides the Taxes necessary for the Defence of the Frontiers, the Colonies pay yearly great Sums to the Mother Country unnotic'd. For taxes, paid in Britain by the Land holder or Artificer, must enter into and increase the Price of the Produce of Land, and of Manufactures made of it; and a great part of this is paid by Consumers in the Colonies, who thereby pay a considerable Part of the British Taxes. We are restrain❜d in our Trade with Foreign Nations, and where we could be supplied with any Manufactures cheaper from them, but must buy the same dearer from Britain, the Difference of Price is a clear Tax to Britain. We are oblig'd to carry a great part of our Produce directly to Britain, and where the Duties there laid upon it lessens its Price to the Planter, or it sells for less than it would in Foreign Markets, the Difference is a Tax paid to Britain. Some Manufactures we could make, but are forbid, and must take them of British Merchants; the whole Price of these is a Tax paid to Britain. By our greatly increasing the Consumption and Demand of British Manufactures, their Price is considerably rais'd of late Years; the Advance is clear Profit to Britain, and enables its People better to pay great Taxes; and much of it being paid by us is clear Tax to Britain. In short, as we are not suffer'd to regulate our Trade, and restrain the Importation and Consumption of British Superfluities, (as Britain can the Consumption of Foreign Superfluities) our whole Wealth centers finally among the Merchants and Inhabitants of Britain, and if we make them richer, and enable them better to pay their Taxes, it is nearly the same as being taxed ourselves, and equally beneficial to the Crown. These Kind of Secondary Taxes, however, we do not complain of, tho' we have no Share in the Laying or Disposing of them; but to pay immediate heavy Taxes, in the Laying, Appropriation or Disposition of which, we have no Part, and which perhaps we may know to be as unnecessary as grievous, must seem hard Measure to Englishmen, who cannot conceive, that by hazarding their Lives and Fortunes in subduing and settling new Countries, extending the Dominion and encreasing the Commerce of their Mother Nation, they have for feited the native Rights of Britons, which they think ought rather to have been given them, as due to such Merit, if they had been before in a State of Slavery. These, and such Kind of Things as these, I apprehend will be thought and said by the People, if the propos'd Alteration of the Albany Plan should take Place. Then, the Administration of the Board of Governors and Council so appointed, not having any Representative Body of the People to approve and unite in its Measures, and conciliate the Minds of the People to them, will probably become suspected and odious. Animosities and dangerous Feuds will arise between the Governors and Governed, and every Thing go into Confusion. Perhaps I am too apprehensive in this Matter, but having freely given my Opinion and Reasons, your Excellency can better judge whether there be any Weight in them.-And the Shortness of the Time allow'd me will I hope, in some Degree, excuse the Imperfections of this Scrawl. With the greatest Respect and Fidelity, Copy of a Letter to Govr. Shirley on the Proposal of excluding the American Assemblies from the Choice of the Grand Council, and taxing the People in America by Parliament. 1 WILLIAM SHIRLEY TO SIR THOMAS ROBINSON 1 Boston, New Engld. Decr. 14th, 1754. SIR, In my last I acknowledg'd the honour, I had, of receiving three letters from you, two of them dated the 26th of October 1 P. R. O., C. O. 5, 46. A transcript is in the Library of Congress. See Robinson to Shirley, ante, pp. 97 and 98. last, and the other on the 25th, and I shall punctually conform to his Majesty's Orders signify'd in the two former of them to me concerning the raising of the Regiment, of which his Majesty hath done me the honour to appoint me Colonel, to the utmost of my power, particularly in procuring the Assembly within my own Governmt to contribute their proportion towards the Expence of Levy money etc. for the Troops sent over from Ireland, and to be rais'd here. In the mean time as Sir William Pepperell's and my delay to begin raising our respective Regimts untill Levy money can be obtain'd from the several Colonies, (a point which I am apprehensive may prove difficult to be carry'd) would disappoint his Majesty's Service very much, We shall be under the necessity of raising Money at present by drawing upon our Agent; which may be reimburs'd to the Crown, upon the Colonies complying with his Majesty's pleasure; for inducing my own Assembly to do which I shall use my best Endeavours, as also that our beginning to raise the two Regimts at present shall be of no Disadvantage to my Application to them to be at their part of the Charge for the requisite Levy Money. I now beg leave, Sir, to mention to you that my Lieutent Colonel and Mr. Pitcher, the Commissary General of the Musters of all his Majesty's forces rais'd and to be rais'd in North America, have both assur'd me that my Regimt was to rendezvous at Boston, and Sir William Pepperell's in New York and Philadelphia, and the latter of those Gentlemen tells me that he is certain that the place assign'd for the Rendezvous of my Regiment in your letter which is New York and Philadelphia, and that for Sir William Pepperell's, which is Boston, must be an Error of the Clerk in filling up the Blanks left for the names of those places: If it is not, I would beg leave, Sir, to submit to your Consideration whether in all cases it might not be for his Majesty's Service that the General plan of Rendezvous for my Regimt should be Boston rather than New York and Pensilvania, as in the former case I might have it more under my eye and immediate command, than I could have in the latter, since by his Majesty's Instructions to me as Governour of the province of the Massachusetts Bay, I am forbid to stir out of it without his express leave; whereas Sir William Pepperell may attend and Inspect his Regiment any where. At this time particularly I am concerting Measures with Colonel Lawrence to drive the French out of Nova Scotia next Spring, in Obedience to his Majesty's Orders signify'd to me in your Letter, Sir, dated the 5th of July last, and propose that my Regimt should assist in the Service, unless I am forbid by different Orders; in which first case their being rendezvous'd, as they are rais'd, in New York and Pensilvania instead of Boston would be an hindrance to the Service. Upon these considerations, and the Assurance of the Commissary General of the Musters, that it was design'd by you, Sir, that my Regiment should be rendezvous'd at Boston, and that it must be owing to the Error of the Clerk in copying the letter, that it is there otherwise express'd which seems very probable, I shall assemble my Regimt at Boston, as fast as I can raise them, and continue to do so, untill I have the honour to receive your further Orders upon this head. I am with the greatest respect, Sir, Your most Humble, and W. SHIRLEY. P.S. I shall observe your Directions, Sir, concerning giving Mr. Pitcher all Assistance in my power; and am oblig'd to you for the honour of your Message to me by him. I am affraid there was a mistake in my last, viz, that the Ist of April was the time, by which the 20,00 (sic) stands of Arms should be shipp'd and Dispatches sent in Answer to that letter, whereas it should have been the 1st day of Feb ruary. Rt. Honble Sir Thomas Robinson One of his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State. |